Ir is not far-fetched

Vaհe H Apelian

 

Nikol Pashinyan has his Crossroad of Peace initiative for his re-election campaign platform. Hrair A Balian, in a recent CivilNet article, alluded to campaign, claiming that that Nikol Pashinyan is making war and peace framing the central platform for his re-election campaign for the upcoming Armenia’s parliamentary election. Many other analysts and journalists have similarly alluded to the Nikol Pashinyan’s campaign platform, such as Tatul Hacobyan, an independent journalist, Eric Hacopian a notable political analyst and reporter affiliated with CivilNet. As 2026 elections draw closer, Pashinyan warns of war to rally support, reported Hoory Minoyan in the Armenian Weekly. 

In my view, Nikol Pashinyan’s campaign platform is not something he brought forth out of his hat, nor it is far-fetched. Surely there is the understandable campaign rhetoric. After all, candidates campaign with poetry but govern with prose, as governor Andrew Cuomo famously said.

First and foremost, Crossroad of Peace, initiative is not an anti-Russian initiative, at all. Of course, Nikol Pashynian’s attitude towards Russia has changed since he assumed power. But it is not a hostile attitude but is much different than the one he framed on May 1, 2018 in his speech to the National Assembly which was to vote for a PM to replace PM Serzh Sargsyan who had resigned. In that speech Nikol Pashinyan said: "If I were to become prime minister, there would be no sharp turns in Armenia's foreign policy. Armenia will continue to remain a member of the EAEU and the CSTO. We considered and consider Russia a military-political ally, and this movement does not pose any threat to Armenia." But he also stated in the same breath that "We are deepening relations with the European Union; we will do everything to eliminate the EU visa requirement for Armenian citizens." (see the note below).

Surely, a lot transpired with Armenia from May 1, 2018 to the April 1, 2026 Armenia-Russia summit, which was not an exchange of blame – “Mutual blame on Artsakh, dissatisfaction with CSTO in Pashinyan-Putin meeting” – as  Hoory Minoyan trivially reported in the Armenian weekly. That summit, among other issues, had the sovereignty of Armenia as the contentious issue. 

The voters in Armenia have to take into consideration that since November 9/10, 2020, when Nikol Pashinyan/Armenia, Ilham Aliev/Azerbaijan, signed Armenia  capitulating ceasefire brokered by  Vladimiar Putin/Russia, much has transpired, which is well beyond the scope of this blog.

Throughout those, November 9/10, 2018 to April 1, 2016, PM Pashinyan had Armenia  categorically rule out war in favor of peace with its neighbors strategy, calling it Crossroad of Peace.. The peace has not been formally signed. But the fact of the matter is that a peaceful state is prevailing along the border. The last deadly clash on Armenia - Azeri border took place on February 13, 2024. No boarder guard has been reported killed by the enemy since; that is to say for the past 25 months and a bit more. We are not citing statistics here, but of young lives and grieving parents being spared.

Throughout the post November 9/10, 2020 to the the present, the opposition in Armenia mounted a ceaseless and a relentless attack to the peace process, alleging all sorts of excuses and resorting from sacking the PM’s office and the National Assembly Hall, and beating NA speaker Ararat Merzoyan, and then suddenly reversing course and blaming the PM for not upholding the very same tri-lateral accord, they opposed, PM Nikol Pashinyan had signed. 

The opposition also made the mass return and security of Artsakh Armenians the political raison d’etre of their opposition,and made the flag of now defunct Arsakh Republic, the symbol of their political stand. 

Should the opposition, who has been pursuing such policies for the past five years, come to power I imagine, more likely than not, the government it will form, will face a considerable backlash from Azerbaijan. 

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Note: « Իմ վարչապետ լինելոիւ դեպքում Հայաստանի արտաքին քաղաքանութեան մէջ կտրուկ շրջադարձեր չեն լինի, Հայաստնանը շարունակելու է մնալ ԵԱՏՄ եւ ՀԱԿՊ անդամ։ Մենք Ռուսաստանին համարել եւ համարում ենք ռազմաքաղաքական դաշնակից, եւ այս շարժումը որեւէ վտանգ չի ներկայացնում Հայաստանի համար։» Բայց են նոյնպէս նոյն շունչով յայտարեց որ «Մենք խորացնելիւ ենք հարաբերութիւններր Եվրամիութեան հետ, ամէն ինչ անելու ենք Հայաստանի քաղաքացիների համար Եւրամիւթյան մուտքի արտոնագիր պահանջի  վերացման ուղղությամբ» (Հայկական Թավշյա Հեղափոխութիւն, Ստեփան Գրիգորյանշ, 2018, էջ