Armenia history: a perpetuation and making of myth.

  Vaհe H Apelian

The June 7, 2026 Armenia election and the saga of its ongoing aftermath, reminds of the contentious 2000 U.S.  election. The contestants were George W. Bush as the Republican presidential nominee and Al Gore, the Democrat presidential nominee. The election campaign was fierce.

Much has been written about that election. For the purposes of this blog, suffice to say that on Tuesday night, Dec 12, 2000, in a 5-4 ruling, the Supreme Court of the United States - the SCOTUS - halted the statewide manual recount ordered by the Florida Supreme Court. This 5 to 4 ruling effectively halted any further recounting and let stand a declaration by Florida's secretary of state that Bush had won Florida by 537 votes, and thus the presidency of the United States of America.

The next day, on Wednesday evening, Al Gore appeared on national TV and conceded, delivering this speech which I consider a defining speech as to what the Republic of these United States is about, or ought to be about. Not a perfect union or a perfect society, but a society striving for a perfect union thanks to wise and gracious leaders, such as Al Gore. I have reproduced Al Gore’s speech at the end of the blog. 

                                            ** 

As to the aftermath of the June 7, 2026 election in Armenia, we, as Armenians, know that there would not be anything close to the concession speech of Al Gore. 

The election results were published and they were recounted and presented to the public. The two or three major parties that did not gain sufficient number of votes, even collectively, to constitute the majority of the upcoming National Assembly, will surely contest the election results at the Constitutional Court of Armenia, Armenia’s version of SCOTUS. 

Whatever the outcome at the Constitutional Court, the Armenian history of heroes and villains, of patriots and traitors, will continue its relentless march into the making of another myth, of patriotic underdogs - Robert, Samvel, Gagik - , and treasonous - tavajan - top dog - Nikol. 

That is what Armenian history is all about, a perpetuation and making of myth. God forbid, that a party in Armenia concedes that it lost, in the election it willingly participated to win, but did not!

***

 

Al Gor’s speech

 

Good evening.

Just moments ago, I spoke with George W. Bush and congratulated him on becoming the 43rd President of the United States, and I promised him that I wouldn't call him back this time. I offered to meet with him as soon as possible so that we can start to heal the divisions of the campaign and the contest through which we just passed.

Almost a century and a half ago, Senator Stephen Douglas told Abraham Lincoln, who had just defeated him for the presidency, "Partisan feeling must yield to patriotism. I'm with you, Mr. President, and God bless you."

Well, in that same spirit, I say to President-elect Bush that what remains of partisan rancor must now be put aside, and may God bless his stewardship of this country.

Neither he nor I anticipated this long and difficult road. Certainly, neither of us wanted it to happen. Yet it came, and now it has ended, resolved, as it must be resolved, through the honored institutions of our democracy.

Over the library of one of our great law schools is inscribed the motto, "Not under man but under God and law." That's the ruling principle of American freedom, the source of our democratic liberties. I've tried to make it my guide throughout this contest as it has guided America's deliberations of all the complex issues of the past five weeks.

Now the U.S. Supreme Court has spoken. Let there be no doubt, while I strongly disagree with the court's decision, I accept it. I accept the finality of this outcome which will be ratified next Monday in the Electoral College. And tonight, for the sake of our unity of the people and the strength of our democracy, I offer my concession.

I also accept my responsibility, which I will discharge unconditionally, to honor the new president elect and do everything possible to help him bring Americans together in fulfillment of the great vision that our Declaration of Independence defines and that our Constitution affirms and defends.

Let me say how grateful I am to all those who supported me and supported the cause for which we have fought. Tipper and I feel a deep gratitude to Joe and Hadassah Lieberman who brought passion and high purpose to our partnership and opened new doors, not just for our campaign but for our country.

This has been an extraordinary election. But in one of God's unforeseen paths, this belatedly broken impasse can point us all to a new common ground, for its very closeness can serve to remind us that we are one people with a shared history and a shared destiny.

Indeed, that history gives us many examples of contests as hotly debated, as fiercely fought, with their own challenges to the popular will.

Other disputes have dragged on for weeks before reaching resolution. And each time, both the victor and the vanquished have accepted the result peacefully and in the spirit of reconciliation.

So let it be with us.

I know that many of my supporters are disappointed. I am too. But our disappointment must be overcome by our love of country.

And I say to our fellow members of the world community, let no one see this contest as a sign of American weakness. The strength of American democracy is shown most clearly through the difficulties it can overcome.

Some have expressed concern that the unusual nature of this election might hamper the next president in the conduct of his office. I do not believe it need be so.

President-elect Bush inherits a nation whose citizens will be ready to assist him in the conduct of his large responsibilities.

I personally will be at his disposal, and I call on all Americans -- I particularly urge all who stood with us to unite behind our next president. This is America. Just as we fight hard when the stakes are high, we close ranks and come together when the contest is done.

And while there will be time enough to debate our continuing differences, now is the time to recognize that that which unites us is greater than that which divides us.

While we yet hold and do not yield our opposing beliefs, there is a higher duty than the one we owe to political party. This is America and we put country before party. We will stand together behind our new president.

As for what I'll do next, I don't know the answer to that one yet. Like many of you, I'm looking forward to spending the holidays with family and old friends. I know I'll spend time in Tennessee and mend some fences, literally and figuratively.

Some have asked whether I have any regrets and I do have one regret: that I didn't get the chance to stay and fight for the American people over the next four years, especially for those who need burdens lifted and barriers removed, especially for those who feel their voices have not been heard. I heard you and I will not forget.

I've seen America in this campaign and I like what I see. It's worth fighting for and that's a fight I'll never stop.

As for the battle that ends tonight, I do believe as my father once said, that no matter how hard the loss, defeat might serve as well as victory to shape the soul and let the glory out.

So, for me this campaign ends as it began: with the love of Tipper and our family; with faith in God and in the country, I have been so proud to serve, from Vietnam to the vice presidency; and with gratitude to our truly tireless campaign staff and volunteers, including all those who worked so hard in Florida for the last 36 days.

Now the political struggle is over and we turn again to the unending struggle for the common good of all Americans and for those multitudes around the world who look to us for leadership in the cause of freedom.

In the words of our great hymn, "America, America": "Let us crown thy good with brotherhood, from sea to shining sea."

And now, my friends, in a phrase I once addressed to others, it's time for me to go.

Thank you and good night, and God bless America

Al Gore - December 13, 2000

 

Պատահական խոհեր բարեկամէս - 4 -

 Այս պատահական խոհերը ստացած եմ բարեկամէս, Լիբանան։ Զանոնք կը վերարտադրեմ այստեղ։ վահէ Յ Աբէլեան

Աւետիս Զիլճեան

Այս գիւտարար-հնարամիտ հայուն պատմութիւնը կը սկսի Կոստանդնուպոլսոյ մէջ 1618-1623 թուականներուն։

Մետաղներու խառնուրդ փորձարկող Աւետիս՝ անագի ( zinc), պղինձի եւ այլ հազուագիտ մետաղներու բաղադրութեամբ ստեղծեց ծնծղաներ, որոնք յատուկ հնչականութիւն ունէին եւ դիմացկուն էին։

Օսմանեան պալատի սուլթանական նուագախումբը , յատուկ արարողութիւններու ընթացքին օգտագործուող ծնծղաները փոխարինեց Աւետիսի պատրաստած հարուածային նուագարաններով։

Օսման երկրորդ սուլթանը, առ ի գնահատանք Աւետիսի աշխատանքին, զինք պատուեց մակդիր-մականունով՝ Զիլճեան ( «զիլ»՝ ծնծղայ, «ճի»՝ վարպետ, «ան»՝ տոհմ):

«Զիլճեան» ծնծղաներու բաղադրութիւնը մնաց ընտանեկան գաղտնիք, եւ սերունդէ - սերունդ շարունակուեցաւ։

1929-ին Աւետիս երրորդ, գաղթեց ԱՄՆ եւ ընտանեկան արտադրութիւնը հաստատեց Մէսէչուսէթ նահանգի Գուինսի քաղաքին մէջ։ Այս մէկը Ամերիկեան « Զիլճեան» առաջին գործարանն էր։

Այդ օրերուն զարգացող «ճազ» երաժշտական տեսակի մէջ «Զիլճեան» մակնիշի ծնծղաներն ու հարուածային գործիքները շա՜տ մեծ համբաւ ապահովեցին նորաստեղծ գործարանին։

Ռաք էնտ Ռոլի նուագախումբերէն շատեր օգտագործեցին «Զիլճեան» մակնիշի գործիքները։ Ամէնէն մեծ անդրադարձը տեղի ունեցաւ 1964 թուականին երբ The Beatles նուագախումբը Ամերիկեան հեռատեսիլի ելոյթին երեւցաւ «Զիլճեան» համբաւաւոր ծնծղաներով։

Աւետիս երրորդի մահուընէ ետք, ընտանեկան անհամաձայնութեան մը հետեւանքով զաւակը՝ Ռոպըրթ Զիլճեան բաժնուելով, Գանատայի մէջ հիմնեց «Սապիան» ընկերութիւնը, որը «Զիլճեան»-ի մեծագոյն մրցակիցը հանդիսացաւ։

Ներկայիս, «Զիլճեան» հարուածային գործիքներու ընկերութիւնը՝ ծնծղաներու բաղադրութեան գաղտնիքը ամուր պահած, իր 400-ամեայ յաջող գործունէութիւնը կը շարունակէ, համաշխարհային չափանիշներով ճանչցուած որպէս լաւագոյնը, մրցակից ունենալով «Սապիան» վաճառանիշի գործիքները։

***

խնդիրը թշնամին սիրելն է

— Բարեկամին ամէն ոք կրնայ սիրել, խնդիրը թշնամին սիրելն է։

Յիսուս Քրիստոսի խօսքն է։

Հիմա եկուր տես որ, ո՚չ Պարսիկները կը հաւատան Քրիստոսի, ո՚չ ալ հրէաները։ Իսկ անդին՝ Լիբանանի «աստուծոյ կուսակցութիւն» դաւանողները, թէեւ կը հաւատան Հօր եւ կը խոնհարհին Անոր առաջ, սակայն հարց ունին միածին Զաւկին հետ. անոր վրայ վստահութիւն չունին։

Հիմա ըսէք տեսնեմ այս խնդիրը ինչպէ՞ս պիտի լուծում գտնէ եւ ոխերիմ թշնամիները ինչպէ՞ս պիտի կարենան զիրար սիրել։

Ա՛յ քեզ բա՜ն, պիտի ըսէր հայրենաբնակ հայը։

***

Ոչ իմ օրերուս

Եւ վերջապէ՜ս , Լիբանանի մէջ օդը սկսաւ տաքնալ. գարնան ներկայութիւնըզգալի է։

Ակնյայտ է, որ նիւթապէս ապահով մարդոց համար ձմեռ չկայ.  տարուան  չորս եղանակներն ալ գարուն են, իսկ անօթեւան, անապահով եւ եկամուտազուրկմարդուն համար՝ ամբողջ տարին միշտ ձմեռ։

Արդեօք պիտի գա՞յ ատենը, երբ Լիբանանի չորս եղանակներն ալ ապահ ովըլլային. կռիւ, պատերազմ, ռմբակոծում, բնակարաններու քանդում եւ քաղաքացիներու տեղահանութիւն տեղի չունենայ։

Հարցումը հարցուած է Տիրոջ եւ Իր պատասխանը եղած է՝

— Ոչ իմ օրերուս:

***

Կռուախնձորը

Մանկութեան օրերուն, հայոց պատմութեան դասապահին յաճախ կը լսէինք մեր հայրենիք Հայաստանի կռուախմձոր եղած ըլլալը։

— Յոյներու եւ պարսիկներու միջեւ մղուող պատերազմին Հայաստան կռուախնձոր դարձաւ։

— Հռոմի եւ Պարսկաստանի պատերազմներուն Հայաստանն էրկռուախնձորը։

Եւ այլն։

Օրին՝ չէինք կրնար լաւապէս պատկերացնել կատարուածը։ Կռիւը յստակ է, խնձորն ալ մեր գիտցած խնձորն է. այս երկուքը ի՞նչ կսպ ունին իրար հետ։ Թէեւ, - պէտք է ըսել, - կ՚անդրադառնայինք, կռուախնձոր վիճակի մէջ գտնուիլը հաճելի բան եղած պէտք չէ ըլլար, այլապէս մեր պատմութիւնը այդքա՜ն լաց ու կոծով, արհաւիրքներով լեցուն չէր ըլլար։

Այժմ կռուախնձորի վիճակի մէջ գտնուողը Լիբանանն է, ուր Իրան եւ Իսրայէլ, իրար դէմ պատերազմը կը մղեն Լիբանանեան հողին վրայ քար ու քանդ ընելով երկիրը։

— Աս տեսակ խնձորին մայրը ի՜նչ ընեմ, - պիտի ըսէր համեստ լիբանանահայը։

Monday Morning Opposition

Vaհe H Apelian  

"Monday morning quarterback" is an American saying used to describe a person criticizing, or offering advice after an event has already taken place. American professional football, NFL games are typically played on Sundays. On Monday, all that is said is hindsight, which, as another saying goes, is 20/20, that is to say event are assumed to be viewed with perfect clarity that was absent when it was occurring.

The opposition in in the new Armenian National Assembly makeup may very well be in such predicaments, because come Monday June 14, 2027, the day after vote recounting is over and the election results are officially declared, it is highly likely that PM Nikol Pashinyan/Civil Contract, will lose constitutional majority. For the very first time the Republic of Armenia will have a government that does not enjoy constitutional majority, and hence the implementation of some very consequential policies, such as peaceful relation with its immediate neighbors, will hinge on the opposition siding with the government or not. For the very first time, the opposition will also bear the consequences of its decision. Thus far the opposition, I am referring to the opposition to Nikol Pashinyan led government, had it very easy. Whenever government proposed something, the opposition opposed it knowing full well that the government, having constitutional majority, may pass the resolution without its consent, and hence the opposition absolved itself from any responsibility. See, I told you, peace is more than a state of no war or open communication.

It is highly likely that Azerbaijan will exploit lame duck or care-taker Armenian government that does not  have constitutional mandate, to the hilt and not sign peace with Armenia until the unquestioned majority of the Armenian National Assembly endorses the peace. The opposition thus far has been acting as it the policies Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract was pressing, was Civil Contract’s policies, not Armenia’s policies and acted irresponsibly. That will not be the case if the governemt loses its constitutional mandate. Through its opposition to PM Nikol Pashinyan's peace-seeking policies, the anti-Pashinyan faction will bear the consequences of its oppositon on the lives of the citizens of Armenia. 

 It is higly likely that PM Nikol Pashinyan will not be able to sign peace with Azerbaijan, unless he has the support of the opposition or elements of the opposition that has not supported Nikol Pashinyan’s cross road for peace initiative. If the opposition rejects PM Nikol Pashinyan’s peace initiative and conditions Armenia signing peace with Azerbaijan on the resolutions of the issues that it has raised such as, expulsion of Azerbaijan from the 200 square kilometers of  occupied land, release of the Armenian prisoners held in Baku,  not amend the Constitution and have the Hrchagakir, the Declaration or the Manifesto, the cornerstone of the Armenian constitution,  etc., Armenia may likely face continued blockage of most of its borders, and may even have the borders in a tense state. 

The Nikol Pashinyan led government likely may continue pursuing most of its policies that are internal to Armenia, such as anti corruption, while Armenia, because of the opposition's stand, remains land-locked along most of its borders, and in a state of no-peace  until such time, when peaceful, no-war state prevail, and  Turkey and Azerbaijan may open their borders. Turkey's and Azerbaijan's borders make around 87% of Armenia's border.

 

Reforming higher education

Vaհe H Apelian. The entire department of world literature at the Yerevan State University is reportedly facing closure as apparent punishment for its chair Prof. Anush Sedrakyan’s participation, as a candidate, in last week’s parliamentary election. How sensationalized is the news, I am not sure. But I know America is facing serious issues in institutions of higher learning, be they private. I am not surprised that there are similar issued in Armenian state higher education. Here is what one University president wrote. ( https://www.ed.gov/about/homeroom-blog/making-universities-great-again-common-sense-approach-reforming-higher-education ) 

 

Making Universities Great Again: A Common-Sense Approach to Reforming Higher Education

NOVEMBER 24, 2025

By: Jonathan J. Sanford, Ph.D., President, University of Dallas

 

It’s no secret that Americans’ trust in universities, and in the value of a college degree, has declined dramatically. Tuition has soared as intellectual rigor has eroded. Classrooms have become battlegrounds for ideology rather than training grounds for reason. Many parents and policy makers, not surprisingly, wonder whether a college education is still worth it.

 

But if America is to remain strong and free, we cannot abandon our universities—we must restore them.

 

Governance Rooted in Principle, Not Politics

 

Sound governance starts with remembering why universities exist: to pursue truth and educate for freedom. Too many governing boards and administrators have traded that purpose for political posturing and bureaucratic conformity, mistaking activism for education and slogans for substance.

 

Leaders must act on principle, not partisanship, and uphold the university’s duty to truth and justice. Amongst other things, that means, as our Supreme Court has recently made clear, no preferences based on gender or race, no diversity quotas, and no fashionable ideologies that divide rather than unite. It also means restoring standardized testing and merit-based admissions as the fairest measures of preparation. Trustees and presidents must also reassert oversight of sprawling administrative bureaucracies whose priorities have strayed from the fundamental work of education.

 

A university that teaches responsibility must itself be responsible—transparent in budgeting, efficient in administration, and faithful to its mission. These are not culture-war slogans; they are the foundations of trust, accountability, and excellence.

 

Renewing the Core: The Foundation of Shared Civic Culture

 

At the University of Dallas, we’ve seen that a rigorous core curriculum is not an antiquated luxury but the very heart of a healthy institution. The liberal arts—literature, philosophy, theology, history, politics, mathematics, and the sciences—teach young people to think freely, reason well and live honorably.

 

When students engage in the great works of Western civilization—from Homer and Augustine to Shakespeare and Lincoln—they encounter the ideas that illuminate life’s enduring questions: What is good? What is true? How should I live?; rather than the propaganda all too common in modern textbooks. These shared texts, guided by professors who often themselves have been shaped by great books, form a common inheritance that unites students of different regions, races, and beliefs in friendship and an earnest search for truth and understanding. In the process, they learn not only how to think independently but how to disagree well.

 

That kind of education forms more than workers; it forms citizens—men and women capable of building families, businesses, and communities.

 

The Most Practical Preparation for Life

 

In recent decades, many universities have dismantled their general education subjects in favor of narrow, over-specialized degree programs. Others have distorted their liberal arts curriculum for the purpose of ideological indoctrination. Yet these trends have not produced wiser graduates or stronger citizens. A genuine classical, liberal arts education—one that forms both intellect and character—remains the most practical preparation for any vocation.

 

Far from hindering professional success, this kind of education develops the discipline, judgment, and strong communication skills every profession demands. At the University of Dallas, for example, our graduates are admitted to medical schools at more than twice the national rate—proof that excellence is achieved not despite breadth, but because of it.

 

As artificial intelligence reshapes the workplace, the habits cultivated by a liberal education—clear thinking, moral discernment, creativity, and articulate expression—will become even more essential. Machines can process data, but they cannot form judgment, empathy, or wisdom. Those belong to persons educated in the full sense of the word: men and women who know how to reason, converse, and lead.

 

Restoring Common Sense to Campus Life

 

Students do not need more administrative offices devoted to policing speech or mediating microaggressions. They need mentors—professors and deans who hold them to high standards while caring for their growth. Rules should be applied fairly and consistently, not selectively according to ideology.

 

Universities should expect adult behavior: civility, respect for property, and a commitment to free inquiry. Lawlessness on campus should never be excused as “expression.” The opportunity to articulate one’s disagreement is a right; vandalism is not. When a university tolerates intimidation or mob tactics, it fails in its duty to form citizens who can govern themselves.

 

Students thrive in communities with order, purpose, and friendship. And friendship—the ability to love what is true and good with others despite differences—is precisely what our nation lacks. A rigorous core curriculum, taught such that reason replaces resentment, cultivates this civic friendship better than any administrative initiative ever could.

 

Educating for Freedom and Responsibility

 

America’s founders believed liberty depends on virtue and knowledge. The same holds true for our universities. When education becomes merely technical, freedom decays into self-interest; when it becomes politicized, it breeds cynicism. But when it returns to its true end—the pursuit of wisdom—it strengthens both the soul and the republic.

 

Universities that govern themselves wisely—emphasizing academic excellence, character formation, and pragmatic career preparation—will regain public trust and thrive. Those that persist in ideological excess will continue to lose enrollment and credibility.

 

A Call for Renewal

 

The path forward does not lie in more bureaucracy or federal programs, but in a return to first principles: truth, virtue, freedom, and responsibility. Universities must again be places where ideas are vigorously but civilly debated, where excellence is rewarded, and where the next generation learns that disagreement need not destroy friendship.

 

If we can renew those habits within our universities, we might yet renew them within the nation itself. America became great because it united liberty with wisdom, enterprise with moral restraint. Our universities can once again help sustain that greatness—but only if they govern themselves with prudence and are animated from top to bottom by the love of truth.

 

 

The mandate is in the number of votes

Vaհe H Apelian  

 

Voting in Armenia closed at 8 pm, on Sunday June 7, 2026. Early hour of the next day, at around 1.30 am June 8, 2026, Nikol Pashinyan held a conference and conveyed that that he was informed that the election results indicated that the Civil Contract party was winning the election. He claimed that not only that the Civil Contract party was winning the election but that it was winning it with more of a mandate than in the previous election. He attributed the mandate to the Velvet Revolution remaining steadfast in its mission.

Basing my projection on his announcement, I estimated published by projected outcome of the election and posted it on my Facebook page with the following numbers as my projection: Civil Contract getting 59.5% of the votes, given that in the 2021 election, the Civil Contract had 53.95% of the votes. I also had estimated that the Strong Armenia party may get 20.5% of the votes, Armenia Alliance and Prosperous Armenia party may each get 10% of the votes. Obviously, my projection was wrong and the Civil Contract party ended up getting 49.85% of the votes.

Consequently, the argument may be put forth that the Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract has lost or is losing its mandate. During the June 2021 snap general election, Civil Contract had 53.95% of the votes. In 2026 election, Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract party had 49.85% of the votes. Where is the mandate then, a person may ask?

The number of votes cast. The total number of registered voters, the number of votes cast, the number of votes cast  in favor of Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract, percent of the voters who voted, and the percent of voters who cast in favor of Civil Contract are listed in the table below. The figures are from Wikipedia. The figures are as follows and may change by Monday morning, June 14, 2026

The number of voters who cast in favor of Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract party in 2021, was 668,761. In 2026, the number of voters who cast in favor of Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract was 727,820, which means compared to 2021 snap election, the Civic Contract has gained 59,059 votes.

Revolutions are transient. They tend to lose their momentum soon after. All revolutions I have come to know in history eventually fizzled out or morphed into something far different. All revolutions I know of suppressed the existing law and order and instituted their own. The Velvet Revolution is the only revolution I know of that held the existing law and order and attempts to bring about change in the existing law and order the Velvet Revolution took over. 

Although the Velvet Revolution has lost a sizeable number of voters since December 2018 snap general election, the argument may be made that Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract has kept its momentum, against all odds.