If the Armenian church is at stake, so is the Armenian state

Vaհe H Apelian 

If the present church and state conflict is viewed and presented to the interested public that the Armenian government is against the church, and not at the Etchmiadzin Church hierarchy; then I can make the same counter argument that the Etchmiadzin Armenian Church is against the Armenian statehood. The sovereignty of the Armenian statehood faces a formidable opposition from within within led by the Etchmiadzin Armenian church ecclesiastical hierarchy, that is plainly aligned with the Russian Orthodox church in cahoots with the Russian state against the sovereign Armenian statehood, in favor of an Armenian state subservient to the Russian state.

It is hard to envision that Armenia faces the formidable opposition of the Russian Federation, when Armenia cannot harm Russia, let alone the fact that Armenia does not harm its longstanding ally. After all, Armenia hosts the largest Russian battalion in South Caucasus. The 102^nd Russian military base is stationed a few kilometers away from Gyumri. Not only Armenia hosts it, but also shares with Russia the cost for maintaining the basej.

Just fathom the following, for a second:

Russia is roughly 575 times larger than Armenia, with a total area of about 17.1 million square kilometers compared to Armenia’s 29,743 square kilometers

Russia is vastly more populous than Armenia. Russia has approximately 143.4 million people (ranking 9th globally), while Armenia has a population of about 3.0 million people (ranking 136th globally). This makes Russia's population roughly 47 to 48 times larger than Armenia's.

Russia's economy is vastly larger than Armenia's, with a nominal GDP of roughly $2.56 trillion compared to Armenia's $29.2 billion. This makes the Russian economy nearly 90 times larger than Armenia's in total nominal output.

Russia's military dwarfs Armenia's in every measurable category, with roughly 1 million active-duty personnel compared to Armenia's tens of thousands, and a massive advantage in tanks, aircraft, and defense spending. Russia is a global military superpower, while Armenia maintains a much smaller regional defense force.

Why is then Russia against Armenia, when Armenia cannot be a threat to Russia in any way?

The only plausible explanation I can come with is the Russian imperial pride and mindset, that its smallest ally wants to exercise its own sovereignty and diversify and chart its own course, as it sees fit. I can find no other explanation. Those who can, may share their thoughts. No, TRIPP is not the cause. TRIPP is the current excuse.

Do Armenians support Russia?

I do not think there is a grass root opposition against the policies of the Nikol Pashinyan led Armenian government. Surely there is lingering nostalgia of Soviet Armenia.  The opposition in Armenia is led by a few oligarchs, and a cadre of former Soviet era nomenklatura, who amassed a formidable fortune and understandably have reasons to believe that they can keep their fortune having Armenia as a protectorate of Russian Federation, if not subservient to it. They have found a staunch ally with the church hierarchy. Yes, there is a reason for their political orientation, and exploiting the church against the state, for their own sake. Those who think otherwise that there is a grass root opposition to the policies of the Armenian government for general welfare, may share their views. 

The issue for me is the Armenian Church hierarchy that opposes reform and wants to retain its status quo, and hence are in cahoots with Armenian oligarchs and their cohorts. 

 I propose the government not to pursue legal action against the Catholicos and the members of his council. It is politicizing the issue and drawing undue support of the Catholicos.  That does not mean the Armenian state should not be critical of the Church for wanting to retain their temporal privileges without fiscal and actionable accountability to the state. Let the people decide if the Catholicos Karekin II and his hierarchy deserve and are worthy of. their respect and obedience. It is us the people, who  extend ourselves and ask for their blessings; it is us who have them baptize our children and have them bless us and  our children as we kiss the right hands of the Catholicos and his high placed clerical entourage, as a testament of our obedience to the divinity they represent on earth for  us Armenians; or whether the Armenian Apostolic church is in dire need for reformation for the welfare of the Armenians and longevity of Armenia.

After all, our existence as a distinct people is all about having sovereign Armenian, for our own temporal  and spiritual welfare..

 

Do not negate Real Armenia

Vaհe H Apelian

Stop negating real Armenia because the Republic of Armeia is also constitutionally known as Armenia, which surely is real

I read Dikran Jinbashian’s emotional outburst in an article he posted today, on August 6, 2026, in Aztag Daily. I singled him because I can claim that I know him. In a sentimental outburst he concluded his last article, having tilted it, “Accepting the status quo or changing it at all cost?”, with the following rhetorics, “Are we a nation or are we citizens of Armenian origin of various states and, in turn, of Armenia? Is it acceptable? Of course not. Is it changeable? Of course, yes. Is it necessary to change? Of course, yes. The upcoming struggle is for that change. “ 

Change to what? Specificity and detail are what may make or break us, especially in the Diaspora where we do not have recourse the citizens of Armenia have. There simply is no salvation in rhetorics.

It also behooves to accept the following historical event.

-        The Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia (Armenian SSR) was established on November 29, 1920, at the demise of the First ever Republic of Armenia.

-        The Armenian Declaration of Independence was adopted on August 23, 1990 by the Supremes Council of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, declaring that, “The Armenian SSR is renamed the Republic of Armenia (Armenia). The Republic of Armenia shall have its flag, coat of arms, and anthem.”

-        The Republic of Armenia adopted its constitution on July 5, 1995 by a nation-wide referendum. 

First and foremost, Dikran or any Armenian for that matter, should accept that the Republic of Armenia is an evolution of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia. The citizens of Armenia have accepted that reality and ruled upon it through the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution they adopted.  Any change has to come from citizens of Armenia by amending their upcoming constitution and the Diaspora has to follow suit as the reality of Republic of Armenia. In other terms accept the reality Armenia because the Armenian Constitution through its Declaration of Independence states that the Armenian SSR is renamed the Republic of Armenia, in short Armenia. In Armenian Article 1 of the Հրչակագիր - Hrchagakir - reads as follows: ”Հայկական ԽՍՀ-ն վերանվանվում է Հայաստանի Հանրապետություն՝ կրճատ՝ Հայաստան:  Հայաստանի Հանրապետությունն ունի իր դրոշը, զինանշանը և հիմնը:”

In translation, article one of the Declaration of Independence reads as follows: “The Armenian SSR is renamed the Republic of Armenia, in short Armenia. The Republic of Armenia shall have its flag, coat of arms, and anthem”. 

Surely the Republic of Armeia, also constitutionally known as Armenia, is real.

***

 

P.S. All those interested may read my translation of Dikran Jinbashian’s article titled, “Continue the status quo or changing it at all cost?”, I attached the link to the original article below.

“Parliamentary elections are held to make a change of power possible. When a political force that has seized power is not satisfied with merely implementing effective governance, but also claims to overturn the country’s value system and impose a new definition of independence and sovereignty on the people under the name of “real Armenia,” it inevitably deviates from democracy and falls into the abyss of totalitarianism. Historically, all totalitarianisms appear shrouded in the veil of democratic justice. Elections are held, meetings are convened, speeches are delivered, and responsible persons are appointed. At the same time, by virtue of the distorted law, arrests, dispossessions, persecutions, and imprisonments become commonplace, and people get used to considering them natural and fair.

These thoughts come to mind while following the sessions of the National Assembly of Armenia that began on August 2. The first session is naturally devoted to the formation of the leadership of the National Assembly. The election of the Speaker of the National Assembly and his three deputies (one of whom is from the opposition), the formation of twelve permanent committees and the election of their chairmen. All of this is regulated by the Law on the Constitutional Regulations of the National Assembly. At the time of writing, the Speaker of the National Assembly has been elected and the election of one of the deputies is almost complete. Logically, the discussions should have focused on the work programs presented by the nominated candidates. However, the supporters of the government boast about the popular mandate they have received and demonstrate an arrogant and complacent attitude. The parliament was elected with numerous violations. The legitimacy of the National Assembly is highly questionable. Legality is formal, because it is confirmed by the bodies that voluntarily implement the instructions of the special power of totalitarian states: the Central Election Commission and… the Constitutional Court. When legality is absent, arbitrariness takes its place.

On August 2, the government resigned. On the same day, the President of the Republic, Nikol Pashinyan, reappointed Prime Minister. Nikol Pashinyan’s candidacy was nominated, according to the law, by the parliamentary majority. A day later, the deputy prime ministers and ministers were reappointed, with the exception of one minister who wished not to continue serving.

Speaking after nominating his candidacy, the Speaker of the National Assembly, Ruben Rubinyan, made a remarkable proposal to the opposition. Ruben Rubinyan promised to become the president of everyone, without exception, the majority and the minority, and proposed, while maintaining political convictions, to adopt a well-mannered style of behavior. Well-mannered behavior implies a refusal to swear and insulting descriptions. The essence of the proposal is the following: accept what has happened, tolerate injustices, do not complain, criticize gently. And we will continue the justice and security bodies, using the work we have begun, but we will stop accusing and naming you for our mistakes. The opposition has not yet responded to the proposal.

The most inveterate, even slanderous, swearers in the previous parliament are now part of the new parliament. Will they be able to restrain their madness? And what will be the behavior of Nikol Pashinyan, who has been reappointed as Prime Minister, who has gradually adopted the style of a supreme leader, an exceptional ideologist, and an undisputed leader of the state? Let's wait to understand.

After the First World War, numerous empires collapsed and nation-states were created. The Second World War entrenched this process, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, new nation-states emerged. However, globalization, which was the result of great technological progress, created large migration flows that disrupted the nationally formed face of many states. Now, former imperialist states accept citizenship as the criterion of statehood. The concept of nation belongs to the past. The homeland and the state are confused. The nation-state is dead. This format is being tried to be injected and implemented everywhere. Also, in Armenia.

The confusion of the concepts of country, state, homeland, sometimes even power, tries to push the Armenian nation, which is scattered to the four corners of the world, out of the reality of being a child of the homeland of Armenia, to recognize the current Republic of Armenia as the only and eternal homeland and the state established there as the only and final.

Are we a nation, or are we citizens of Armenian origin of various states and, in turn, of Armenia?

Is it acceptable? Naturally, no. Can it be changed? Naturally, yes. Is it necessary to change? Naturally, yes.

The upcoming struggle is for that change.”

 

Link: “Շարունակե՞լ Գոյութիւն Ունեցածը, Թէ՞ Անպայման Փոխեl”,https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=1476992301112724&set=a.450811050397526

 

 

 

Adana in the 9th Convocation of the National Assembly of Armenia

  Vaհe H Apelian

Historical Armenia Adana, courtesy Houshamadyan
Modern Day city of Adana

The National Assembly of Armenia is the highest legislative body where everything discussed is expected to have implications for passing legislation.  But the issues raised and voiced in the start of the 9^th convocation of the National Assembly, appear to make the National Assembly more a forum for historical deliberation and debate, than a legislative body. 

The other day, Narek Karapetyan mangled when he criticized the Civil Contract party that constituted the government as well in the 8^th convocation, closing his remark by saying the following in verbatim: “Our relations with Turkey should have developed in such a way that our intelligent youth would not relate to Adana for its kebab, but would know that it is part of our homeland, not of the Republic of Armenia, but part of another republic, but part of my homeland.” His comment was received with applause. I am not sure if the representatives of the “Armenia Alliance” joined the applause as well, but surely “Strong Armenia” party representives, whose de facto leader is Narek Karapetyan, did.

The problem is that Narek, for an example, while criticizing the government, does not claim or even imply to claim that should “Strong Armenia” be in power, it will have Adana stated as an extension of historical Armenian homeland in the history textbooks of the public schools of Armenia or implicate Adana when negotiating with Turkey. 

Why Adana is then being made into an issue in the National Assembly? Surely, the National Assembly is not a depository of the Armenian history, nor will Narek Karapedyan live up to his talk invoking the tragic Armenia History. Understandably he will not walk his talk, when in power.  

More disturbingly, Narek Karapetyan and surely his applauders, if not also others, appear to relate to Adana Kebab and do not know that Republic of Armenia, which the Armenian people have constitutionally ruled that it is the former Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia, depicts the Armenian Cilician Kingdom in its coat-of-arms.  A lion holding a cross represents the royal coat of arms of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, and is depicted on the lower right quadrant of Armenia coat-of-arms, depicting a lion holding a cross.

Armenia coat-of-arms, Cilician Armenian Kingdom 
represented in the quadrant at the lower right hand side.

Apparently Narek Karapetyan and surely others in NA appear do not also know that the Rubinian family and especially the name Ruben Rubinian, is synonymous with Cilician Armenia of which Adana is part of.  Coincidentally the speaker of the 9^th convocation of the National Assembly Ruben Rubinyan is the namesake of the founder of the Cilician Armenia. Who is teaching Armenia history and nationalism to who? Obviously, Ruben Rubinyan has made the Republic of  Armenia, not history, his mission for the sake of safeguarding the safety, security, and prosperity of the citizens of the Republic of Armenia. 

For God’s sake, have not these people not heard the Adana Lament haunting song, where the demise of the Rubinian Dynasty is mourned, but kebab comes to their minds?

As to that haunting song, attaches is my translation and a YouTube recording. 

 

Adana Lament	Ատանայի Ողբը
The massacre was merciless, let the Armenians cry,	Կոտորածն անգութ, հայերը թողլան,
Desert became the magnificent Adana	Անապատ դարձաւ շքեղ Ատանան.
The fire and the sword and the ruthless plunder	Կրակն ու սուրը եւ անխիղճ թալան
The Rubinian house, oh, they undid.	Ռուբինեանց տունը ա՜խ, ըրինվերան։
Not a minute passed and the poor Armenians,	Րոպէ մը չանցաւ ՚ ու հայոց խեղճեր
Fell under the sword of a terrible mob,	Ինկան սուրին տակ խուժանինահեղ,
Churches and schools were lost in the flames,	Ժամեր ու դպրոցք բոցի մէջ կորան,
Thousands of Armenians were killed mercilessly.	Բիւրաւոր հայեր անխնայ մեռան։
Desolate alas became the rich Adana,	Պարապ էր աւա՜ղ, հարուստԱտանան,
All of Cilicia was turned into ashes.	Մոխիր էր դարձէր ամբողջԿիլիկիան.
Only the beautiful Hadjin survived,	Միայն ապրեցաւ Հաճընը սիրուն,
Why doesn't the rock like Zeytun budge?	Ինչու չի շարժիր ապառաժ Զէյթուն։
Day and night, the fire from within,	Ցերեկ ու գիշեր կրակը մէջէն,
The enemy's sword, the bullet from without,	Թշնամուն սուրը, գնդակը դրսէն,
They wiped out the Armenians from the face of the earth,	Ջնջեցին հայը երկրին երեսէն,
Blood runs in our pristine rivers.	Արիւն կը վազէ մեր ջինջ գետերէն։

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Bosom friends, Karekin Sarkissian and Ardavazt Terterian

Vaհe H Apeliian

Karekin and Ardavazt are not their baptismal names. They are their priestly names. Recently I came across a few memorable pictures of them when they were young monks at the Catholicosate of See/Cilicia. I posted three from those pictures below. The rest were with others.  

Both were born and raised in Kessab. Ardavazt Terterian was born in 1930 in the village of Chakhaljekh in Greater Kessab. Karekin Sarkissian was born in 1932, in Kessab. Both entered the seminary at the same time and were ordained together. They rose in rank together. In time, Karekin Sarkissian was elected as Catholicos Karekin II and subsequently as Catholicos Karekin I of All Armenians. Archbishop Ardavazt Terterian became the long-time dean of the Antelias Seminary  having educated a cadre of priests serving the church and became a senior member of the Brotherhood of the Catholicosate of Cilicia.

Archbisho Mesrob Ashjian poignantly narrates the last hours of the ailing Catholicos Karekin II in his dying bed, where he makes a note of the bosom friendship of the two. I quote.  Those interested to read Archbishop Merob Ashjian remembrance of the last days of the Catholicos Karekin II, may read the attached.

Archbishop Mesrob Ashjian:

 “It was around 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Esther, his sister, and Nora, his sister-in-law, and I were alone with the Vehapar. Nora suddenly, thinking out loud said: "You know, I have heard that if a person who is on the verge of dying but hangs to dear life, means that he is waiting for someone special to visit him and keeps on waiting and waiting for that special person. Who is Vehapar waiting for? There was a picture of him with his mother next to his bed. Was Vehapar waiting for his mother to visit him? But he knew that his mother was 96 years old, frail and lived in Toronto. "Esther», I said, «go and talk to the Vehapar, about your mother, say that mother is in good health and is praying for his health." Esther answered, "I cannot do that." Mustering all my courage, I approached Vehapar and whispered in his ear. I felt that he heard me. 

- "Vehapar, Vehapar, your mother made a phone call from Toronto. She said that she heard about your recent health troubles. She is very concerned and prays for you...."

And I remembered that Vehapar addressed his mother  mume՛ in his native Kessab dialect. Suddenly I remembered the native Kessab song. Whenever the Vehapar was in a happy mood, he assumed the posture of a choir leader, a la Ganachian, and led an invisible choir, singing the popular Kessab folk song.

Suddenly and unexpectedly, I said to him."Vehapar, Archbishop Ardavazt (Terterian) called from Antilias. He has heard that your condition has worsened. He said he will come to see you, as soon as a flight is available from Beirut."

May God spare me. My last words to Vehapar were a lie. It was true that Catholicos Karekin had a special love for his friend of 55 years. They were compatriotic friends from Kessab, They were classmates in the seminary. They took their vows for monastic celibacy together. 

Was Vehapar waiting for his friend's visit? I didn't know. I took leave of him and left for Yerevan. Hardly three hours had passed when the telephone rang. 

- Srpazan, we lost Vehapar.”

July, 1999 

Link: Arch. Mesrob Ashjian, We Lost Vehapar - https://vhapelian.blogspot.com/2025/06/we-lost-vehapar-on-june-29.html

 

 

August 1, 1918: The inaugural session of Armenian National Assembly.

Today, Tatul Hakopyan wrote that August 1, can be celebrated in Armenia as Parliamentarianism Day, because the first session of the first ever  Armenian National Council/Parliament took place on that day in 1918. Vaհe H Apelian

Courtesy Tatul Hakobyan

I quote Tatul Hakobyan: “The first legislative body in the history of Armenia, the parliament, was formed in the summer of 1918, two months after the proclamation of the First Republic. It was also the first legislative body in the history of Armenia that was formed not by elections, but as a result of political agreement.

The first parliament, which bore the name of Council, was formed by tripling the members of the Armenian National Council, as well as by involving 6 Turks (in today's terminology, Azerbaijanis) and one Russian and one Yezidi, for a total of 46 deputies, of which 38 were Armenians.

The following political forces were represented in the Council: The Armenian Revolutionary Federation, the Armenian People's Party (Ramkavars), the Social Democrats, and the Socialist Revolutionaries.

On August 1, 1918, the first session of the Council of Armenia opened in the hall of the Yerevan City Club, which was attended by the entire government, headed by Prime Minister Hovhannes Kajaznuni. (See note 10). Also present at the session were representatives of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Ottoman Turkey, the consul of Persia, and representatives of the Russian and Muslim national councils. Among the high-ranking Armenian military officers present were Tovmas Nazarbekyan and Movses Silikyan.

The honor of opening the first session of the first legislative body of Armenia was given to Dashnaktsutyun Avetik Sahakyan. Amidst profound silence, Sahakyan took the stage and delivered the opening speech, which was translated into Russian and Turkish on the spot”

Avedik Sahakyan’s speech at the inaugural session:

“Citizens, Deputies of the Council of Armenia.

On behalf of the Supreme Armenian National Council, I have the honor today to open the inaugural session of the Council of Armenia and to declare that from now on this is the only authorized body encompassing the state power of the Republic of Armenia.

This day will become historic for us and will open a new bright era in the life of our young state.

This day will always be memorable and for the reason that for the first time we see realized within our narrow horizons the beautiful dream and cherished desire for self-determination, albeit in impossibly difficult conditions.

Assuming that many of you are not well informed about the issue of our country's independence, I find it extremely important to present to this high assembly the stages through which the idea of ​​independent states in Transcaucasia has passed from its inception to its final formulation.

Our republic, like the others, emerged as independent state from the day the Transcaucasian Sejm declared itself dissolved on May 26 [1918]. On the initiative and proposal of the Georgian Social Democratic faction, Georgia declared itself independent on the same day.

After the collapse of the Transcaucasus, our country was left to its own devices, so the Armenian National Council hastened to take over all the functions of the government.

It was then that the well-known ultimatum of the Ottoman government about new land acquisitions was received and a response was required within 48 hours. The Supreme Council immediately sent a separate delegation to Batumi in the person of Hovhannes Kajaznuni, Mikael Papajanyan and Alexander Khatisyan, giving them extraordinary powers to negotiate with the Turkish delegation. (Note 1)

Our delegation managed to make some corrections to the borders, but was still forced to accept the ultimatum and conclude a peace alliance with Vehib Pasha and Khalil Bey. Here, for the first time, the deputies of the Armenian National Council were officially recognized as representatives of independent Armenia and signed the June 4 alliance [Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the Republic of Armenia and the Ottoman Imperial Government, 1918].

The independence of our state is also known to the allied states of Dajkastan(Turkey): Germany, Austria, Bulgaria. Our second delegation is in Constantinople, which includes Avetis Aharonyan, Alexander Khatisyan and Mikael Papajanyan, who traveled there at the invitation of the Ottoman government to conduct negotiations with Tajikistan and its allied states.

Thus, having comprehensively examined the country's forces and the circumstances in which the Armenian people find themselves, on the one hand, and the political and economic situation created, on the other, the Armenian National Council squeezed its heart and with a merciless conscience decided to finally accept the ultimatum and recognize the independence of Armenia, surrendering itself to the impartial judgment of history.

Yes, our republic is small and with narrow borders, it has been deprived of its most valuable territories and cannot accommodate the entire population within it and, it seems, does not have the conditions for an independent existence. But I believe that the borders of the country cannot remain frozen forever. I believe that the borders of the country will expand with the iron force of life, with the protection of our just and indisputable rights in relation to the occupied territories and with a new friendly alliance with Dajkatan (Turkey) and its allied states, whose representatives are present here. We have chosen the path of agreement and peace, and I want to hope that we are not mistaken.

Until then, we will fulfill our duties arising from the peace alliance with holiness and steadfastness. Let us leave aside future prospects, at least today here, without hesitation and with full determination, we cast anchor on our stateship and lay the foundation of the state building, striving to always improve it for the benefit of all nationalities of the Republic of Armenia, as children of one dear motherland.

I declare the session of the Council of Armenia open.”

Avetik Sahakyan was born in 1864 in Jalaloghli (now Stepanavan). In 1920, when Armenia was Sovietized, Sahakyan moved to Tabriz. He died in 1933 in Lebanon.

***

Note 1: On the 13th of June [1918], An Armenian delegation, representing  the Republic of Armenia, consisting of Avedis Aharonian, Alexander Khatisian and Mikayel Papajanian, left Tiflis and on the 19th of the same month arrived in Constantinople, where it remained until November 1, that is, approximately for 4 and a half months.

Impact: A sister reflcts ` Անդրադարձ

I have often wondered if those who place pictures of the persons who gave the last full measure of their devotion, their lives; reflect on the impact their martyrdom had on their family members. In a rare reflection, Sonig Daghlian, the sister of Varche Daghlian, one of the Lisbon 5, reflects. She wrote. I attached my translation of her refelction on her Facebook page. The original is posted below. Vahe H Apelian

 

A life versus a moment of "love".

Sharing the pictures of our martyrs on social networks, putting a "heart" or "like" on them has become a superficial, ordinary doing. We scroll through the pages, post their pictures, press the button, read the same repeated slogans... and continue on with our lives, as if we had fulfilled our national duty.

But the boys who gave their lives for the homeland are not "page pictures" or the subject of an algorithm. Their names and faces cannot be turned into mere digital data or personal wall (profile) pictures.

A moment of "love" cannot be measured against their irrevocable sacrifice. When our response becomes spontaneous and superficial, it ceases to be respectful—it serves only to soothe our conscience and escape responsibility.

If we do not reflect on their portraits, if we do not reflect on the lives they lived, the dreams they lost, and the message they left, then those “appreciations” mean nothing.

We shouted “to homeland” but we moved thousands of miles away from “the homeland.”

 

Անդրադարձ

Կեանք մը՝ ընդդէմ մէկ վայրկեաննոց «սէր»ի մը։

Ընկերային ցանցերու վրայ մեր նահատակներուն նկարները տարածելը, «սէր» (heart) կամ «հաւանում» (like) դնելը դարձած է մակերեսային, սովորական քայլ մը։ Կը սահինք ( scroll through )էջերուն վրայ, կը տեղադրենք անոնց նկարները, կը սեղմենք կոճակը, կը կարդանք նոյն կրկնուող կարգախօսները… եւ կը շարունակենք մեր կեանքը, կարծես թէ մեր ազգային պարտքը կատարած ըլլայինք։

Բայց հայրենիքի համար իրենց կեանքը տուած տղաքը «էջի նկար» կամ ալկորիթմի նիւթ չեն։ Անոնց անուններն ու դէմքերը չեն կրնար վերածուիլ պարզապէս թուային տուեալներու ( digital data) կամ անձնական պատի ( profile) նկարներու։

Մէկ վայրկեաննոց «սէր» մը չի կրնար չափուիլ անոնց անդառնալի զոհողութեան հետ։ Երբ մեր արձագանգը կը դառնայ ինքնաբերական ու մակերեսային, անիկա յարգանք ըլլալէ կը դադրի—անիկա միայն մեր խիղճը հանգստացնելու եւ պատասխանատւութենէ փախչելու կը ծառայէ։

Եթէ կանգ չենք առներ անոնց դէմքերուն առջեւ, եթէ չենք խորհիր անոնց ապրած կեանքին, կորսուած երազներուն եւ անոնց ձգած պատգամին մասին, ապա այդ «հաւանումները» ոչինչ կը նշանակեն:

«Դէպի երկիր» բացագանչեցինք, սակայն հազարաւոր մղոններով հեռացանք "Երկրէն": 

Պատահական Խոհեր բարեկամէս՝ Երկու առասպելներու բարեկամութիւնը

 Այս պատահական խոհերը ստացած եմ բարեկամէս։ կը վերարտադրեմ այստեղ։  Վահէ Յ Աբէլեան

Առասպելական Գործարարը

Քըրք Քըրքորեանը (1917–2015) ամերիկեան գործարարական պատմութեան ամենահետաքրքիր և միևնույն ժամանակ ամենաքիչ հանրայնացուած մեծ գործարարներէն մէկն էր։  Ան յաճախ ճանչուած էր որպէս «մեկա-ռիզորթներու հայր», քանի որ ան գրեթէ միայնակ վերափոխեց Լաս Վեկասի և Հոլիուտի տեսքը՝ ստեղծելով բազմամիլիարանոց կայսրութիւն՝ միաժամանակ ամբողջովին խուսափելով հանրային ուշադրութենէն։

Ան լի էր հակասութիւններով. բարձր խաղադրույքներով խաղացող էր, բայց չէր սիրէր ուշադրութեան կեդրոնը ըլլալ, իսկ ութերորդ դասարանէն յետոյ դպրոցը թողած մարդ ըլլալով՝ կարողացած էր գերազանցել Ուոլ Սթրիթի ամենախելացի ղեկավարներուն։

1. Դժուար սկիզբ եւ դժուար մանկութիւն

Քըրքորեան ծնած է Գալիֆորնիայի Ֆրեզնո քաղաքը՝ Հայոց ցեղասպանութենէն փրկուած հայ ներգաղթեալներու ընտանիքի մէջ։ Ան հասակ առած է ծայրահեղ աղքատութեան մէջ։ Հայերենը իր առաջին լեզուն էր, իսկ անգլերէնը սորված է Լոս Անջելեսի փողոցները՝ թերթ վաճառելով, որպեսզի օգնէ ընտանիքին, որը յաճախ ստիպուած էր տուն փոխել վտարման պատճառով։

Ութերորդ դասարանէն յետոյ ան թողեց դպրոցը և սկսաւ զբաղիլ սիրողական բռնցքամարտով՝ հանդես գալով «Rifle Right Kerkorian» մականունով։ Աւելի ուշ ան նուաճեց Խաղաղովկիանոսեան տարածաշրջանի սիրողական կիսամիջին ծանրութեան (Welter weight) ախոյեանի տիտղոսը:

 

2. Երկրորդ համաշխարհային պատերազմը և օդանաւագնացութեան վերելքը

1930-ականներու վերջերուն, Քըրքորյան սիրահարուեցաւ օդանաւագնացութեան։ Թռիչքի դասերու համար վճարելու նպատակով ան պատրաստ էր մաքրել ախոռները և կթել կովերը առասպելական օդաչու Ֆլօրընս «Բանչօ» Բարնզի ագարակին մէջ։

Երկրորդ համաշխարհային պատերազմի ընթացքին ան միացաւ Մեծ Բրիտանիայի Թագաւորական ռազմաօդային ուժերու Ferry Command-ին։ Ան՝ գործարանէն նոր դուրս ելած ռմբակոծիչներ կը տեղափոխէր Ատլանտեան ովկիանոսի վրայով:

Այդ թռիչքները կը համարուէին չափազանց վտանգաւոր՝ խիստ եղանակային պայմաններու և սահմանափակ կողնորոշող ( navigation) հնարավորութիւններու պատճառավ։ Իւրաքանչիւր թռիչքի համար ան կը ստանար շուրջ 1,000 տոլար և այդ գումարը խնայելով՝ հիմք դրաւ իր ապագայ գործին։

Պատերազմի աւարտէն ետք ան գնեց աւելցուկային ռազմական ինքնաթիռներ, վերանորոգեց և վաճառեց զանոնք զգալի շահույթ ապահովելով։ Այնուհետև հիմնեց փոքր չարդրային օդանաւային ընկերութիւն՝ Trans International Airlines (TIA)-ը, որը Լոս Անջըլըսէն Լաս Վեկաս կը տեղափոխէր բարձրակարգ խաղացողներ։ Հետագային ան վաճառեց ընկերությունը 104 միլիոն տոլարով։

3. Լաս Վեկասի և Հոլիուտի վերափոխողը

Օդանաւագնացութենէն ստացած միլիոնները Քըրքորեան ներդրաւ անշարժ գույքի և զուարճանքի ոլորտին մէջ՝ հետևելով «աժան գնել, թանկ վաճառել» ռազմավարութեանը։

Լաս Վեգասի մեկա-հանգստավայրերը`

Քըրքորեան երեք տարբեր ժամանակահատածներուն միջոցին կառուցեց աշխարհի ամենամեծ հիւրանոցներէն և խաղատուներէն երեքը.

International Hotel (1969) – Յայտնի որպես այն վայրը, ուր Էլվիս Փրեսլի սկսաւ իր համերգային կեանքը։

Առաջին MGM Grand Hotel and Casino (1973)։

Ժամանակակից MGM Grand (1993)։

MGM ֆիլմի նկարահանման վայրը:

1969 թվականին ան գնեց պատմական Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) ֆիլմի նկարահանման ընկերութիւնը։ Ֆինանսական բացառիկ հմտութիւն ցուցաբերելով՝ ան երեք տարբեր ժամանակահատվածներու ընթացքին գնեց և վաճառեց MGM-ը՝ ամեն անգամ ստանալով զգալի շահույթ և օգտագործելով MGM անուանումը՝ իր հիւրանոցային ցանցը զարգացնելու համար։

Օդանաւաշինութեան փոփոխություններու նախաձեռնողը:

Կեանքի աւելի ուշ շրջանին ան դարձավ Տիթրոյթի օդանաւաշինութեան մեծ ներդրողներէն մեկը՝ ձեռք բերելով Chrysler, General Motors և Ford ընկերություններու զգալի բաժնեմասեր և նպաստելով լայնածաւալ բաժնետիրական փոփոխություններու։

4. Լուռ միլիարդատերը

Չնայած Քըրք Քըրքորեանի կարողութիւնը ժամանակ մը կը գնահատուէր մօտաւորապէս 20 միլիար տոլար, ան լիովին կը մերժէր միլիարատէրերու բնորոշ ճոխ ապրելակերպը։

- Կը հրաժարէր իր անունը տալ որևէ շենքի:

-  Անձամբ կը վարէր իր սովորական Ford Taurus-ը կամ Jeep Cherokee-ն, կը կրէր հասարակ Timex ժամացույց և կը շրջագայէր առանց թիկնապահներու կամ մեծ ուղեկցող խումբի։

Ան սեփական միջոցներով կը վճարէր նույնիսկ իրեն պատկանող հիւրանոցները մնալու և սնուելու համար՝ հետևողականօրեն հրաժարելով ընկերութեան կողմէ տրամադրուող անվճար արտօնութիւններէն։

Ան երբեք հրապարակային ելույթներ չէր ունենար, չափազանց հազուադէպ հարցազրոյցներ կու տար և կը նախընտրէր, որ մարդիկ նույնիսկ չճանչնային զինք, որպեսզի կարողանար աննկատ շրջգայիլ իր սեփական խաղատներուն մէջ։

5. Գաղտնի բարեգործութիւն և Հայաստան

Քըրք Քըրքորեան Ամերիկայի պատմութեան ամենաառատաձեռն բարեգործներէն մէկն էր։ Իր Lincy Foundation-ի (անուանած իր դուստրերու՝ Լինտայի և Թրեյսիի պատուին) միջոցաւ ան նուիրեց աւելի քան 1 միլիար ԱՄՆ տոլար։ Սակայն ան ուներ խիստ կանոն․ բոլոր նուիրատուութիւնները պետք է ըլլային լիովին անանուն։ Եթէ որևէ բարեգործական կազմակերպութիւն հրապարակեր իր անունը, ան կը սպառնար դադարեցնել ֆինանսաւորումը։

Ան ողջ կեանքի ընթացքին խոր և անխզելի կապ կը զգար իր հայկական արմատներուն հետ։ 1988 թուականի աւերիչ Սպիտակի երկրաշարժէն յետոյ, ինչպես նաև Հայաստանի հետխորհրդային դժուարին անցման տարիներուն, Քըրքորյան լուռ կերպով ֆինանսաւորեց ենթակառուցուածքներու, դպրոցներու, հիվանդանոցներու և մայրուղիներու վերակառուցումը երկրի տարբեր շրջաններուն։ 2004 թվականին իրեն շնորհուեցաւ Հայաստանի Ազգային հերոսի կոչումը՝ երկրի բարձրագոյն պետական պարգևը։

Քըրք Քըրքորեանը մահացաւ 2015 թվականին՝ 98 տարեկան հասակին թողնելով  բացառիկ օրինակ մը, թէ ինչպէ՞ս կարելի է ստեղծել հսկայական  առեւտրական կայսրութիւն՝ միաժամանակ պահպանելով անձնական կեանքի լիակատար գաղտնիութիւնը։

Կ՛արժէ աւելցնել, թէ Հայաստանի համար նուիրաբերած հսկայական գումարներու մեծ մասը իւրացուած են Հայաստանի երկրորդ նախագահ ռոպեր քոչարեանին կողմէ:

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Առասպելական  մարզիկը

Առասպելական բռնցքամարտիկ Մայք Թայսըն յայտնի  ամերիկահայ սպորտային լրագրող, խմբագիր և մարտարվեստներու մեկնաբան Մանուկ Հակոբեանո հետ հարցազրույցին նեկայացուցեր է Հայաստան կատարած այցի իր ջերմ տպավորությունները։, ինչպես նաև յիշել ամերիկահայ մեծ բարերար Քըրք Քըրքորեանը։

Թայսընի խօսքով՝  ինքը ցանկացած պահուն պատրաստ է կրկին այցելել Հայաստան։

«Ես ցանկացած ժամանակ կրնամ մեկնիլ Հայաստան։ Այնտեղ կ՚ապրին մարդիկ, որոնք իսկապես հիանալի հոգի ունին։ Ինծի պետք չէ վճարել, որպեսզի այնտեղ երթամ. այն  շատ գեղեցիկ երկիր է»,– ըսած է ան։

Խօսելով Քըրք Քըրքորեանին մասին՝ Թայսըն կը պատմէ դեպք մը.

Օրին մէկը, երբ Թայսըն յարձակած  էր տղամարդու մը վրայ, որ տեսախցիկով մտած էր զուգարան իր ետեւէն։ Իր խօսքով՝  այդ միջադէպէն ետք, Քըրքորյան սեփական ինքնաթիռի կ՚ուղարկէ, որպեսզի Թայսընը խուսափի ձերբակալութենէ։

«Ան իմ և իմ ընտանիքին համար ուղարկեց իր հսկայական ինքնաթիռը։ Քըրքորյան օգնած է բազմաթիւ հայերու Հայաստանի մէջ։ Ան, ինչպես ես, այն մարդոցմէ էր, որոնք թույլ չեն տար, որ իրենց հետ կատակեն»,– յիշած  է Թայսըն։