Ահարոնին պատգամը Հայաստանի քաղաքացիին – վերամշակուած

Շնորհակալ եմ իմ պլակիս ընթերցողներէն մէկուն որ մշակեց իմ գրութիւնս զայն դատելով չափազանց կարեւոր տրուած ըլլալով որ կ՚աղերսէր Կիլիկեան Կաթողիկոութեանը եւ հետեւաբար սփիւռքը՝ գէթ անոր կարեւոր հատուածը։ Վահէ Յ Աբէլեան

Վերջերս՝ կարդացի Ահարոն Շխրտըմեանի յօդուածը, « Խաբկանքով Անկախութիւն- Փաշինեանի ճանապարհը դէպի կործանում» վերնագրով:

Հետաքրքրութեանս համար յօդուածը ամբողջութեամբ ընդօրինակեցի (copy)եւ կցեցի (paste) համակարգիչիս գրառման էջին վրայ: Յօդուածը ամբողջութեամբ կցուած է ներքեւ:

Օգտագործուած բառերու գումարը 340 է, այդ ամբողջը՝ Հայաստանի Վարչապետին հասցէին «տուր որ կու տաս» մը:

կասկած չկայ, որ Շխրտըմեան առանց տատամսելու,- կարծէք հարցերու բոլոր մանրամասնութիւններուն տեղեակ,- հեղինակաւոր կերպով կ՛արձանագրէ թէ՝ Հայաստանի վարչապետ ՝ Փաշինեան «կանխամտածուած կերպով» երկիրը տարած է «դէպի պատերազմ եւ պարտութիւն» քանդելով հայաստանի անկախութեան հիմքերը: Յօդուածագիրը կ՛եզրակացնէ.

«Հայաստանի ապագան չի կառուցուիր պարտուող ղեկավարներու ձեռքով. ան կը կառուցուի հաւատարիմ, արժանապատիւ ոգիով, ազգային յիշողութիւնը պաշտպանելով, եւ անկախութեան գաղափարը վերակենդանացնելով»: Բնականաբար ըսել կ՛ուզէ, որ Հայաստանի քաղաքացիները ,- որոնք ընդունեցին վարչապետական համակարգը եւ հետեւաբար ընտրեցին երկրի ղեկավար վարչապետը,- պարտուած քաղաքացիներ են՝ Հայաստանը պաշտպանելու ատակ չեն եւ «անկախութեան գաղափարը վերակենդանացնողներ» չեն: Հետեւելով սոյն վարկածին, այդ միեւնոյն վարքագիծը ունին նաեւ Փաշինեանի կառավարութեան անդամներն ու գործակիցները:

Փակագիծ մը բանալով յայտնենք,- ըստ դիմատետրի իր էջին վրայ տեղադրած տեղեկութեան,- Շխրտըմեան՝ Կիլիկիոյ Կաթողիկոսութեան հայկական բաժանմունքի վարիչ տնօրէնն է:

Որքան որ իրազէկ ենք Կիլիկիոյ Կաթողիկոսութիւնը համալսարան մը չէ, ուսման կեդրոն մը չէ, որպէսզի ունենայ նաեւ «հայկական ամբիոն» ( ուր ազատ արտայայտութեան ակադեմական հարթակ գոյութիւն ունի): Փաստօրէն՝ Ահարոն կը ներկայացնէ Կիլիկիոյ Կաթողիկոսութեան քաղաքական հարթակը, ուր կը դրսեւորուի Փաշինեանի կառավարութեան դէմ բաց եւ անխնայ պայքար: Այլ խօսքով՝ հատուածական կարծիք եւ միջոց, որը շա՜տ հեռու է «ազգային» անուանուելէ:

Ահաւասիկ՝ Շխրտըմեանի սոյն հանգամանքն է, որ կը մղէ զիս անդրադառնալու հրապարակաւ արտայայտած միտքերուն,- չըսելու համար հայրենի իշխանութեան դէմ չարախօսութիւններուն եւ քարկոծումին:

Անձնապէս աջակից եմ Հայաստանի քաղաքացիներուն ժողովրդավարական կարգով ընտրուած երկրի ղեկավարին: Մօտէն կը հետեւիմ ու բարձր կը գնահատեմ իր կատարած քաղաքական եւ դիւանագիտական աշխատանքները: Երկրի ղեկավարման աշխատանքներուն մէջ պարոն վարչապետին շուրջ հաւաքուած են Հայաստանի անկախութեան սերունդէն ներկայայցուցիչներ, ինչպէս նաեւ յարաբերաբար աւելի երիտասարդ մասնագէտներու հոյլ մը: Այլ խօսքով: պետական տարբեր ոլորտներու եւ կառոյցներու մէջ գործող հսկայական բանակ մը:

Բնականաբար՝ գործող իշխանութենէն դուրս կայ,- պէտք է ըլլայ,- ընդիմադիր խմբաւորում մը, որը դժբաղդաբար իբրեւ կարգախօս ընտրած է անխնայ կերպով պետութիւն քարկոծել, իսկ որպէս հեռանկար՝ ամէն կերպ եւ միջոց գործածել իշխանութեան տիրանալու համար: Հոս տարօրինակը սակայն, սփիւռքահայութեան մէկ հատուածի ( կրօնական եւ քաղաքական) Հայաստանի գործող իշխանութեան դէմ մղուած սուր պայքարն է, անտեսելով սփիւռքի հայկական համայնքներու բազում՝ հոգածութիւն եւ լուծումի կարիքը ունեցող հրատապ հարցերը: Ա՛յո, միշտ դիւրին է հեռուէն-հեռու քննադատել, սակայն ինչպէ՞ս կարելի է զանցառել ու անտեսել սփիւռքահայութիւնը դէպի կործանում եւ անդունդ տանող ահաւոր վիճակը: 

Ըստ Շխրտըմեանին՝ Հայաստանի ընդիմութիւնը «ականջալուր» պէտք է ըլլայ իր պատգամի-հրահանգին եւ տասը ամիս ետք՝ յունիս 2026-ին ընտրէ Հայաստանը կառավադող նոր իշխանութիւն ը, որը պիտի վարէ «ոչ-պարտուողական» քաղաքական գիծ, փոխանակ ներկայ իշխանութեան «պարտուած քաղաքականութեան»: Պիտի ներկայանայ յաղթական դիրքերէ մեկնած եւ ըստ այնմ, քաղաքական վարքագիծ որդեգրէ դրացի երկիրներու հետ: Կ՛երեւակայեմ, որ Ահարոն Շխրտըմեան ոչ-պարտուողական,- իմա՝ յաղթող,- քաղաքականութեան պատկերացում մը ունի, որու մանրամասները կը զլանայ ներկայացնել: Այլապէս ինչո՞ւ , ինչէ՞ մղուած Կիլիկեան թեմի հայկական բաժանմունքի վարիչ տնօրէնը հրապարակաւ եւ խստագոյն ( նոյնիսկ՝ վարկաբեկիչ) խօսքերով պիտի քննադատէր Հայաստանի ղեկավար պարոն վարչապետը եւ կառավարութեան վարած ( «պարտուողական») քաղաքականութիւնը։ 

Բնագիրը՝

«ԽԱԲԿԱՆՔՈՎ ԱՆԿԱԽՈՒԹԻՒՆ - ՓԱՇԻՆԵԱՆԻ   ՃԱՆԱՊԱՐՀԸ ԴԷՊԻ ԿՈՐԾԱՆՈՒՄ»։ https://www.facebook.com/aharon.shekerdemian

Serzh Sargsyan’s Machiavellian gambit that turned upon him

 Vaհe H Apelian

Serzh Sargsyan on April 17, 2028 in the National Assembly

 “Serzh Sargsyan’s Machiavellian gambit that turned upon him", is a more suitable title for the context of this blog than the previous. At this moment he is the lesser opposition have not even garnered 7% of the votes to be in the NA. But since the law mandates that the NA has to have at least three parties, “I Honor Alliance” he led was given 7 seats, while Kocharyan’s “Armenia Alliance” has 29 seats.  

But on April 17, 2018, Serzh Sargsyan was at the apex of his power as the National Assembly of Armenia elected him Prime Minister under 2015 amended constitution which had ushered Armenia from presidential form of governance to parliamentarian form of governance. Another five years were thus added to the 10 years he served as the president. The election tally was 77 for and 13 against his candidacy.  His election was followed by a Q&A session regarding the settlement of the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh / Artsakh conflict, during which Serzh Sargsyan struck a cautionary note letting it be known the negotiations are at a standstill. Armenpress reported the day’s session and posted the following report, posted below.

YEREVAN, APRIL 17, (2018) ARMENPRESS. During a Q&A session on the election of the Prime Minister at the special session of the Armenian Parliament, RPA faction MP Karen Bekaryan addressed question to Serzh Sargsyan, candidate for PM, on the negotiation process over the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, reports Armenpress. MP Bekaryan noted that the negotiation process doesn’t inspire optimism.

“It’s clear for everyone that it is conditioned by unconstructive approaches and behavior of the Azerbaijani leadership”, Karen Bekaryan said and asked Serzh Sargsyan how in these circumstances he imagines the future of peaceful negotiations and what new steps he is going to take to return the Azerbaijani leadership to more constructive negotiations.

Serzh Sargsyan said the negotiation process really doesn’t inspire optimism, but more concretely, this process, according to him, is simply suspended as the expectations of the Azerbaijani leadership from the negotiations result are unrealistic and unacceptable.

“I should state that before this stage we have taken all possible measures to move forward the negotiation process so that the agreements reached will have some stability and serve as a base for successfully completing the negotiations. Unfortunately, some time later it turns out that our meetings and negotiations not only on talks over the existing document on the NK conflict, but also on matters of creating some trust measures, maintaining the ceasefire regime are unnecessary as our partners do not maintain the agreements”, he said. 

Serzh Sargsyan said based on the claims of Artsakh’s President, leadership, he once again announces:

“We are ready, and our desire is to solve the conflict by peaceful means, and this conflict can be solved, the negotiation process can intensify if the Azerbaijani leadership refuses from its empty imaginations according to which mutual concessions mean only concessions by Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia. This cannot happen”, he said.

But as for the future steps, Serzh Sargsyan said the future will show what additional steps can be taken for one of these key issues to have an effective solution.»

While the session was taking place, Nikol Pashinyan who was leading the popular unrest that will be known as the Velvet Revolution, declared that the Republic of Armenia does not have a prime minister by the name of Sezh Sargsyan.

April 17 to April 22, the country's seat Yerevan was caught in the frenzy of the unrest and protests.

On April 22, 2018 Nikol Pashinyan declared that tomorrow on April 23, at 10 am in the morning, he will be meeting with Serzh Sargsyan in «Armenia Mariott» hotel.  But he and a few others were arrested and held in solitary confinement overnight, then released on April 23. 

On April 23, 2018, the planned meeting between PM Serzh Sargsyan and Nikol Pashinyan took place in the morning. PM Serzh Sargsyan held Nikol Pashinyan responsible and reminded him of the March 1, 2008 incident and abruptly left the hall. However, Serzh Sargsyan resigned his post as the PM in the afternoon, and issued the following declaration: «Nikol Pashinyan was right. I was wrong. The current situation has several solutions, but I will not go to any of them. It is not mine. I leave the post of Prime Minister of Armenia as the head of the country. The street movement is against my tenure. I fulfill your demand: peace, harmony and logic for our country. Thank you.” 

May 8, 2018, Nikol Pashinyan was elected the PM of Armenia with 59 votes in favor and 42 votes against. «The Way Out – ելք”, “Tsarukyan Alliance” and ARF voted in favor of Nikol Pashinyan, including a few members of the Republican Party of Armenia.

The antigovernment protests started on March 31, 2018, when Nikol Pashinyan and his supporters started their march from Gyumri towards Yerevan, and ended on May 8, 2018, with Nikol Pashinyan’s election. The protest came to be known as Armenia’s bloodless Velvet Revolution, that brought about a new government.  

At first glance the success of the bloodless protests was attributed no less to PM Serzh Sargsyan’s resignation as the PM, ostensibly to lead to a peaceful transition of power.

However, the ensuing developments indicated that his resignation was a Machiavellian political gambit. War with Azerbaijan all along deemed more likely than any time before, as Serzh Sargsyan cautiously said in the National Assembly on April 17, 2018. The old guard calculated that Armenia’s defeat under PM Nikol Pashinyan’s watch will facilitate their taking over the government anew, attributing the defeat to the inexperienced PM. 

But the Armenian public saw it otherwise and reelected Nikol Pashinyan on June 2021, post 44-day Second Artsakh war snap general election. The Armenian public had elected Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract alliance in the December 2018 snap general election to rule on the May 8, 2018 parliamentary election. 

The post 44-day Second Artsakh war snap general election in June 2021, secured Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract party 54% of the vote, against Robert Kocharyan led Armenia Alliance that had 21% of the votes and Serzh Sargsyan led “I have Honor Alliance” that had 5% of the votes.

The election results cemented  Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract’s hold of the Armenian government, which in turn led to the signing of the August 8, 2025 peace deal with Azerbaijan brokered by the U.S.   

                                           ***

Sources

Armenpress 17/04/2018 13:00: “Armenia’s desire is to solve Karabakh conflict through peaceful means – Serzh Sargsyan”

«Հայկական Թավշյա Հեղափոխություն», Ստեփան Գրիգորյան. 2018

 

 

 

Not all Armenian Americans treated Armenia’s Ambassador Lillit Makunts properly

 I have posted this blog on May 6, 2022 under a different header and with a different picture. I changed the header and the picture and I am posting it again as Lilit Makunts has stepped down as Armenia's Ambassador to the United States after her four-year term ended ended on August 2, 2025. A farewell reception was held in Washington D.C. on August 22 to mark the conclusion of her diplomatic service. Vahe H Apelian

H.E. Ambassador Lillit Makunts

Surely it is personal, but I felt extremely aghast seeing on the social media, a vibrant and a beautiful young Armenian girl who appeared somewhat hesitant carrying a bouquet of black flowers with the Turkish flag planted in the vase, ring the bell of the Armenian ambassador’s residence and present the flower arrangement to the lady who opened the door. What was disturbing to me is the realization the senior AYF member who had directed this young girl to do this act, did not accompany her but stood away, in anonymity, filming the sad episode and posted it on the social media. 

What was much more disturbing to me was the claim of a highly placed member of the AYF/ARF ranks that she is proud of the youth doing such acts of "resistance". Yes, I cannot condone and remain indifferent and silent and not voice my indignation for leading our youth in such a manner. Sadly, that was not the single episode that AYF posted that disturbed me. (Read: "Armenian Ambassador Assaulted in Compressional Building", Mirror Spectator, May 3, 2022). Watch: AYF Eastern Region FB post, whose members are trailing Armenian Ambassador Lilit Makunts, calling her a traitor and shouting at her to leave the U.S. April 18, 2022 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LsdVmA5Pamg)

I was not brought out that way although my entire youth and beyond was spent within ARF affiliated youth organizations. I was among the founding member of the YOARF - Youth Organization of ARF in 1972. These episodes reminded me of my teachers in the Armenian schools I attended from kindergarten to my acceptance to the American University of Beirut.

My teachers in the Armenian school were overwhelmingly Armenians who taught us all the subjects that a high school teaches to its students, especially that we had to pass government mandate examinations to progress in our academic pursuits. They taught us science, math, history, naturally including Armenian history, languages, and yes, Christian education as well. They may not have been “certified” teachers, as we expect from our teachers nowadays. They were not necessarily trained with pedagogical courses. Some were writers, editors of Armenian literary journals, Armenian college students, but they had our best interest in their hearts, much like a parent has.

They appealed to our better nature and to our hope. They would tell us that we may not see Armenia independent, that our children may not see Armenia independent either, but that it would become reality one day. Meanwhile, they urged us to study hard, and would tell us that we had to work much, much harder to be able to compete with the native locals. We did just that, applied ourselves hard. Not necessarily by continuing our schooling, but also by learning a trade as many of my classmates left school early on and apprenticed in a trade and became very successful in their trades.

Along with the work ethic they instilled in us, they told us to become a law-abiding citizen, and loyal to the government of our country, and respectful to its officials. In our little minds we would argue, what would happen in case of war and Armenians would be drafted in the armies of warring nations.

Acts of "Resistance"

Throughout those years and to this day I have not encountered a Diaspora Armenian depict his or her country’s president or PM the way some  Diaspora Armenians are depicting the PM of Armenia Pashinyan and his government's representative in the U.S. Yes, we had justifiable reasons at times in the Diaspora to stand against the government of the countries of whom we consider ourselves no less an equal citizen. In 1960’s the Syrian government nationalized our schools and appointed party officials as principles in the schools we had built. In 1961, they imprisoned many Armenians, including my maternal uncle, an ARF leader, on charges of treason, let alone nationalizing the company he built from ground up. During their trial in Damascus, which my mother attended - we lived in Beirut -  the Syrian newspapers, to their credit, did not label them traitors. And after a lengthy trial, those who were exonerated, like my maternal uncle, were welcomed by their Syrian coworkers, or business partners, neighbors, and friends.  

But I see a dichotomy in the Diaspora Armenian psyche. I cannot envision a Diaspora Armenian treating his or her country’s ambassador with such contempt I saw this young girl directed to present a bouquet of black flowers with a Turkish flag; or the young Armenian men walking a few feet behind the ambassador  of Armenia and calling her a traitor and telling her to move away. I doubt it was a lawful what they did. Yes, I have not yet encountered such acts by members of Diaspora Armenian youth organization against their countries’ ambassador in a foreign land,  be the ambassador of U.S., Syria, Lebanon, Russia or of any other country. But the Armenian youth is directed and instructed, if not weaponized, to single out and not to offer the same courtesy to Armenia's ambassador in the U.S. or in another country.

No doubt we are facing existential threats. We have different visions as to best address these existential threats. But there cannot be legitimacy in bringing change through “extra-parliamentary” opposition in the Diaspora. Nor Diaspora can galvanize itself against the inevitable to endure longer, when leaders of the community instill in the young and upcoming such hatred, by words and deeds, against the representatives of the Republic of Armenia they claim their homeland.

 

Ահարոնին պատգամը Հայաստանի քաղաքացիին

 Վահէ Յ Աբէլեան

 

Քիչ առաջ կարդագի Ահարոն Շխրտըմեանին յօդուածը որուն վերնագիրն է՝ «ԽԱԲԿԱՆՔՈՎ ԱՆԿԱԽՈՒԹԻՒՆ- ՓԱՇԻՆԵԱՆԻ   ՃԱՆԱՊԱՐՀԸ  ԴԷՊԻ ԿՈՐԾԱՆՈՒՄ»։

Հետաքրքրութեան համար յօդուածը ամբողջութեամբ ընդօրինակեցի (copy) եւ փակցուցի (paste), շառադրութեան իմ համարկարգիս վրայ՝ Microsoft word։ Յօդուածը կցած եմ ներքեւը։ Ահարոնին այդ յօդուած կը բաղկանայ իննը հատուածներէ, հիսուն տողերէ։ իսկ գործածած բառերուն գումարը 340 է։ Այդ ամբողջը՝ Հայաստանի վարչապետին «տուր որ կուտաս» մըն է։ Կասկամտածողութեան ոչ մէկ նշոյլ կայ հոն` «Մարդ ես կրնաս չափազանցած ըլլալ։»։ Ոչ մէկ կասկամտածողութեան ակնարկ կայ՝ Անգլերէնոով՝ « give benefit of the doubt»։ Յօդուածին մէջ կը տիրէ բացառձակ վստահութիւն որ Հայաստանի վարչապետ Փաշինեանը «կանխամտածուած կերպով» երկիրը տարած է «դէպի պատերազմ եւ պարտութիւն՝ քանդելով Հայաստանի անկախութեան հիմնական հիմքերը։»

Ահարոնը իր յօդուած կ՚եզրակացնէ գրելով՝ ՝«Հայաստանի ապագան չի կառուցուիր պարտուող ղեկավարներու ձեռքով․ ան կը կառուցուի հաւատարիմ, արժանապատիւ ոգիով, ազգային յիշողութիւնը պաշտպանելով, եւ անկախութեան գաղափարը վերակենդանացնելով։» Բնականաբար ըսել կուզէ որ Հայաստանի քաղաքացիները որոնք ընտրեցին այս վարչապետը եւ այս վարչապետական համակարգը պարտուած քաղաքացիներ եւ եւ չեն ներկայցնէր իրենց երկին՝ Հայաստանին պաշտպանողները եւ անկախութեան «գաղաբարը վերակենդանացնողները։» Այդ վարկածով՝ այդպէս են նաեւ Փաշինեանի կառաւարութեան անդամները եւ գործակիցները։

Ֆէյսպուքի իր էջին վրայ նշած տեղեկագրութեան համաձայն, Ահարոն Շխրտըմեանին Կիլիկիոյ Կաթողիկոսութեան Հայկական բաժանմունքին վարիչ տնորէնն է։ Անշուշտ որ Կիլիկիոյ կաթողիկոսութիւնը համալսարան մը չէ որ ունենայ իր հայկական ամբիոնը որ ազատ արտայայտութեան ակադեմական բեմ մըն է։ Ահարոնը նը ներկայացնէ Կիլիկիոյ Կաթողիկոսիութեան քաղաքական կամ՝ Փաշինեանի կառաւարութեան դէմ քաղաքականացած բեմը որ բնականաբար յատուածական է եւ չի կրնար յորջորջուիլ որպէս ազգային։

Ահարոն Շխրտըմեանին այդ հանգամանքն է որ մղեց զիս պատասխանել Ահարոն Շըքըրտիմեանին։ Այլապէս պիտի անգիտանայի։ Ես աջակից եմ Հայաստանի քաղաքացիներուն ժողովրդավարական կարգով ընտրուած վարչապետին։ Կը գնահատեմ իր տարած աշխատանքները։ Վարչապետին շուրջ համախմբուած են Հայաստանի անկախութեան սերունդէն ներկայցուցիչներ որոնք կը վարեն Հայաստանի քաղաքականութիւնը։ Բնականաբար գիտակից եմ ներքին քաղաքական ընդիմադրութեան որ կը միտի ստանցնել երկրին  ղեկաւարութիւնը՝ ինչպէս է պարագան որեւէ երկրի ընդիմադրութեանը։ Բայց եբրէք չեմ աջակցիր սփիւռքահայ այն հաստատութեան, ըլլայ ան քաղաքական կամ կրօնական, որ նման տրամադրութիւն ցոյց կուտայ Հայաստանի հանդէպ անտեսելով մահուան սեմին վիճակուած իր իսկ բնավայրը՝ սփիւռքը։ Այո, միշտ դիւրին եղած է հեռաւոր մեծ հարցերով զբաղուիլ քան անմիջական դրացիիդ եւ կամ թաղիդ հարցերովը։

Կը մնայ Հայաստանի ընդիմադրութեան «ականջալուր» ըլլայ Ահարոնի պատգամին եւ տաս ամիս ետք, Յունիս 2026-ի ընտրէ Հայաստան կառաւարող այլ համակարգ մը որ պիտի մերժէ այս կառաւարութեան վարած՝ Ահարոնին պատկերացոմով «պարտուած քաղաքականութիւնը» եւ պիտի ստանցնէ իր վարած ոչ-պարտուղական, հապա յաղթականաց կամ յաղթող  քաղաքականութեան հետեւանքները եւ պիտի դասաւորէ այդ քաղաքաքանութիւնը իր անմիջական դրացի երկիրներուն հետ, մերժած ըլլալով Փաշինեանի կառաւարութեան խաղաղ  դրացիութեան «պարտուողական քաղաքակնութիւնը» ի նպաստ իրենց ոչ պարտուողական քաղաքականութեան։

Կը պատկերցնեեմ որ Ահարոն Շխրտըմեանը այդ ոչ-պարտուողական, չըսելու համար յաղթող քաղաքականութիւնը, պատկերացուած է, թէեւ ընդիմադրութեան նման չի պարզեր։ Այլապէս ինչո՞ւ համար Կիլիկեան թեմին Հայկական Բաժանմունքին վարիչ տնօրէնը այսպէս կը քննադատէ Հայաստանի վարչապետը եւ անոր կառաւրութեան վարած կառաւարութիւնը։

Բնագիրը՝

«ԽԱԲԿԱՆՔՈՎ ԱՆԿԱԽՈՒԹԻՒՆ - ՓԱՇԻՆԵԱՆԻ   ՃԱՆԱՊԱՐՀԸ ԴԷՊԻ ԿՈՐԾԱՆՈՒՄ»։ https://www.facebook.com/aharon.shekerdemian

Beyond "Velvet Constitution"

 VaՀe H Apelian

This blog was posted last year around this time.

 

The citizens of Armenia face a crucial period in our history.  It may entail amending the Hrchagakir or excluding it from the Constitution. 

Let me go beyond the “Hairenik” weekly’s sarcastic editorial, at the time, “A Velvet Constitution”, and point out that amending the Constitution does enflame emotion but not sarcasm. The Constitution was approved in 1995 and was amended in 2005 and in 2015.

 It is the inevitable amending of the Declaration of Independence - Hrchagakir -  if that is possible,  or its exclusion from the Constitution that enflame emotions. There is nothing unique about the Constitution of Armenia. Save few provisions, any democratic country may adopt it. But, the Constitution of Armenia and also, for an example the  Constitution of United States of America, are outcomes to their declarations of independence. It behooves us to reflect on what transpired as the Soviet Union imploded, and Armenia declared its independence and emerged as an independent state.

The Soviet Union formally dissolved on 26 December 1991. But as early as in May 1989, the Secretary of State, James Baker III announced that the Soviet Union that we knew does not exist anymore. Obviously the 15 republics that made the Soviet Union were on high gear to face the inevitable formalization of the dissolution. In case Soviet Armenia and Nagornoa Karabagh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), the specter of post-Soviet unification seemed  palpable.

On December 1, 1989, there was a joint resolution of the Armenia SSR - Soviet Socialist Republic - and the Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), on REUNIFICATION.  The resolution stated the following: “Proceeding from the universal principles of national self-determination and acceding to legal aspiration for reunification of the two segments of the Armenian people torn apart by force, the Armenian Supreme Soviet recognizes the fact of NKAO's – (note: Nakorno Karabagh Autonomous Oblast) - self-determination, and the congress of the plenipotentiary representatives of the NKAO and the National Council it has elected as the sole legal authority in force in oblast. The Armenian Supreme Soviet and NKAO National Council declare the REUNIFICATION of the Armenian Republic and the NKAO. The Armenian republic citizenship rights extend over the population of the NKAO. The Supreme Soviet and the National Council hereby set up a joint commission to formulate practical steps to realize reunification. They assume the obligation to represent the national interests of the Armenian population in northern Artsakh (NKAO), Shahumian region, and Getashen districts”.  (see below)

Please make a note  of the three underlined regions in the last sentence for unification with Armenia. Shahumian region and Getashen districts remained under Azeri rule as first Artsakh war came to a halt leading to the founding of the Republic of Mountainous Karabagh, which later was named Republic of Artsakh.

On August 23, 1990, the Supreme Council of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic issued its Declaration of Independence, the famed Hrchagakir – Հռչակագիր. There was no independent Armenia yet.  Its preamble reads as follows referring to the December 1, 1989 resolution: 

“Expressing the united will of the Armenian people;

Aware of its historic responsibility for the destiny of the Armenian people engaged in the realization of the aspirations of all Armenians and the restoration of historical justice;

Proceeding from the principles of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the generally recognized norms of international law;

Exercising the right of nations to free self-determination;

Based on the December 1, 1989, joint decision of the Armenian SSR Supreme Council and the Artsakh National Council on the "Reunification of the Armenian SSR and the Mountainous Region of Karabakh;"

Developing the democratic traditions of the independent Republic of Armenia established on May 28, 1918; " Declares.....".  The text can be easily found in the internet. It was signed by Levon Ter-Petrossian, President of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia and Ara Sahakian, the secretary of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia.

The citizens of the Soviet Armenia voted for independence on September 21, 1991. 

On August 8, 1992, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia issued a DECISION – ՈՐՈՇՈՒՄ – that would affirm that “For the Republic of Armenia, any international or domestic document, in which the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh is mentioned as part of Azerbaijan, is unacceptable". The textual document is available, but it was never signed or ratified, (see below).

From there on, until its fateful sad finality, the Republic of Armenia did not recognize the Republic of Artsakh, nor incorporated it as a district -marz – of Armenia. Azerbaijan began blockading Artsakh in December 2022, and launched a large-scale military offensive in September 2023, resulting in a ceasefire agreement. Most ethnic Armenians fled, and Artsakh was officially dissolved on 1 January 2024. 

The PM’s call for new constitution will likely annul or rather amend the Declaration of Independence of Armenia as ratified on August 23, 1990 and likely will have any statement in regard to the unification with Artsakh or any territorial claim from its neighbors, removed and made clear that Armenia does not have territorial claims from its neighbors. Or the Declaration of Independence will remain as worded but will not be included in the document that forms the basis of the working of the Republic of Armenia, its Constitution.

I do not entertain Turkey’s and Azeri’s demands for amending the Hrchagakir / The Declaration of Independence.. But I raise the following fundamental question. Does Armenia have any territorial claim from its neighbors? If not, why does Armenia retain the reunification with Nagorno Karabagh on the preamble of the Declaration of Independence? 

The citizens of Armenia face a crucial period in our history. It may entail amending the Hrchagakir or excluding it from the Constitution.  

 

Armenia's Declaration of Independence - Hrchagakir (Հրչակագիր) - Anniversary

 August 23, is the anniversary of Soviet Republic of Armenia declaring independence, on August 23, 1990 . Attached is the text. Every Armenian interested in Armenia, should read the short text and give his or her thought about it.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

The Supreme Council of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic

Expressing the united will of the Armenian people;
Aware of its historic responsibility for the destiny of the Armenian people engaged in the realization of the aspirations of all Armenians and the restoration of historical justice;
Proceeding from the principles of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the generally recognized norms of international law;
Exercising the right of nations to free self-determination;
Based on the December 1, 1989, joint decision of the Armenian SSR Supreme Council and the Artsakh National Council on the "Reunification of the Armenian SSR and the Mountainous Region of Karabakh;"
Developing the democratic traditions of the independent Republic of Armenia established on May 28, 1918;

Declares

The beginning of the process of establishing of independent statehood positioning the question of the creation of a democratic society based on the rule of law;
1. The Armenian SSR is renamed the Republic of Armenia (Armenia). The Republic of Armenia shall have its flag, coat of arms, and anthem.
2. The Republic of Armenia is a self-governing state, endowed with the supremacy of state authority, independence, sovereignty, and plenipotentiary power.Only the constitution and laws of the Republic of Armenia are valid for the whole territory of the Republic of Armenia.
3. The bearer of the Armenian statehood is the people of the Republic of Armenia, which exercises the authority directly and through its representative bodies on the basis of the constitution and laws of the Republic of Armenia. The right to speak on behalf of the people of the Republic of Armenia belongs exclusively to the Supreme Council of Armenia.
4. All citizens living on the territory of Armenia are granted citizenship of the Republic of Armenia. Armenians of the Diaspora have the right of citizenship of Armenia. The citizens of the Republic of Armenia are protected and aided by the Republic. The Republic of Armenia guarantees the free and equal development of its citizens regardless of national origin, race, or creed.
5. With the purpose of guaranteeing the security of the Republic of Armenia and the inviolability of its borders, the Republic of Armenia creates its own armed forces, internal troops, organs of state and public security under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Council. The Republic of Armenia has its share of the USSR military apparatus. The Republic of Armenia determines the regulation of military service for its citizens independently. Military units of other countries, their military bases and building complexes can be located on the territory of the Republic of Armenia only by a decision of Armenia’s Supreme Council. The armed forces of the Republic of Armenia can be deployed only by a decision of its Supreme Council.
6. As the subject of international law, the Republic of Armenia conducts an independent foreign policy; it establishes direct relations with other states, national-state units of the USSR, and participates in the activity of international organizations.
7. The national wealth of the Republic of Armenia - the land, the earth’s crust, airspace, water, and other natural resources, as well as economic and intellectual, cultural capabilities are the property of its people. The regulation of their governance, usage, and possession is determined by the laws of the Republic of Armenia. The Republic of Armenia has the right to its share of the USSR national wealth, including the supplies of gold and diamond, and hard currency funds.
8. The Republic of Armenia determines the principles and regulation of its economic system, creates its own money, national bank, finance-loan system, tax and custom services, based on the system of multiple forms of property ownership.
9. On its territory, the Republic of Armenia guarantees freedom of speech, press, and conscience; separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers; a multi-party system; equality of political parties under the law; depolitization of law enforcement bodies and armed forces.
10. The Republic of Armenia guarantees the use of Armenian as the state language in all spheres of the Republic’s life; the Republic creates its own system of education and of scientific and cultural development.
11, The Republic of Armenia stands in support of the task of achieving international recognition of the 1915 Genocide in Ottoman Turkey and Western Armenia.
12. This declaration serves as the basis for the development of the constitution of the Republic of Armenia and, until such time as the new constitution is approved, as the basis for the introduction of amendments to the current constitution; and for the operation of state authorities and the development of new legislation for the Republic.

Signed by: 

Levon Ter-Petrossian
President of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia 

Ara Sahakian
Secretary of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia 

Yerevan
August 23, 1990

Source:

English:  https://www.gov.am/en/independence/

Հայերէն: https://www.gov.am/am/independence/

Serzh Sargsyan’s Machiavellian gambit that failed: a chronological overview

Vaհe H Apelian

Serzh Sargsyan on April 17, 2028 in the National Assembly

I could have, maybe I should have titled the blog as “Serzh Sargsyan’s Machiavellian gambit that turned upon him". At this moment he is the lesser opposition have not even garnered 7% of the votes to be in the NA. But since the law mandates that the NA has to have at least three parties, “I Honor Alliance” he led was given 7 seats, while Kocharyan’s “Armenia Alliance” has 29 seats.  

But on April 17, 2018, Serzh Sargsyan was at the apex of his power as the National Assembly of Armenia elected him Prime Minister under 2015 amended constitution which had ushered Armenia from presidential form of governance to parliamentarian form of governance. Another five years were thus added to the 10 years he served as the president. The election tally was 77 for and 13 against his candidacy.  His election was followed by a Q&A session regarding the settlement of the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh / Artsakh conflict, during which Serzh Sargsyan struck a cautionary note letting it be known the negotiations are at a standstill. Armenpress reported the day’s session and posted the following report, posted below.

YEREVAN, APRIL 17, (2018) ARMENPRESS. During a Q&A session on the election of the Prime Minister at the special session of the Armenian Parliament, RPA faction MP Karen Bekaryan addressed question to Serzh Sargsyan, candidate for PM, on the negotiation process over the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, reports Armenpress. MP Bekaryan noted that the negotiation process doesn’t inspire optimism.

“It’s clear for everyone that it is conditioned by unconstructive approaches and behavior of the Azerbaijani leadership”, Karen Bekaryan said and asked Serzh Sargsyan how in these circumstances he imagines the future of peaceful negotiations and what new steps he is going to take to return the Azerbaijani leadership to more constructive negotiations.

Serzh Sargsyan said the negotiation process really doesn’t inspire optimism, but more concretely, this process, according to him, is simply suspended as the expectations of the Azerbaijani leadership from the negotiations result are unrealistic and unacceptable.

“I should state that before this stage we have taken all possible measures to move forward the negotiation process so that the agreements reached will have some stability and serve as a base for successfully completing the negotiations. Unfortunately, some time later it turns out that our meetings and negotiations not only on talks over the existing document on the NK conflict, but also on matters of creating some trust measures, maintaining the ceasefire regime are unnecessary as our partners do not maintain the agreements”, he said. 

Serzh Sargsyan said based on the claims of Artsakh’s President, leadership, he once again announces:

“We are ready, and our desire is to solve the conflict by peaceful means, and this conflict can be solved, the negotiation process can intensify if the Azerbaijani leadership refuses from its empty imaginations according to which mutual concessions mean only concessions by Nagorno Karabakh and Armenia. This cannot happen”, he said.

But as for the future steps, Serzh Sargsyan said the future will show what additional steps can be taken for one of these key issues to have an effective solution.»

While the session was taking place, Nikol Pashinyan who was leading the popular unrest that will be known as the Velvet Revolution, declared that the Republic of Armenia does not have a prime minister by the name of Sezh Sargsyan.

April 17 to April 22, the country's seat Yerevan was caught in the frenzy of the unrest and protests.

On April 22, 2018 Nikol Pashinyan declared that tomorrow on April 23, at 10 am in the morning, he will be meeting with Serzh Sargsyan in «Armenia Mariott» hotel.  But he and a few others were arrested and held in solitary confinement overnight, then released on April 23. 

On April 23, 2018, the planned meeting between PM Serzh Sargsyan and Nikol Pashinyan took place in the morning. PM Serzh Sargsyan held Nikol Pashinyan responsible and reminded him of the March 1, 2008 incident and abruptly left the hall. However, Serzh Sargsyan resigned his post as the PM in the afternoon, and issued the following declaration: «Nikol Pashinyan was right. I was wrong. The current situation has several solutions, but I will not go to any of them. It is not mine. I leave the post of Prime Minister of Armenia as the head of the country. The street movement is against my tenure. I fulfill your demand: peace, harmony and logic for our country. Thank you.” 

May 8, 2018, Nikol Pashinyan was elected the PM of Armenia with 59 votes in favor and 42 votes against. «The Way Out – ելք”, “Tsarukyan Alliance” and ARF voted in favor of Nikol Pashinyan, including a few members of the Republican Party of Armenia.

The antigovernment protests started on March 31, 2018, when Nikol Pashinyan and his supporters started their march from Gyumri towards Yerevan, and ended on May 8, 2018, with Nikol Pashinyan’s election. The protest came to be known as Armenia’s bloodless Velvet Revolution, that brought about a new government.  

At first glance the success of the bloodless protests was attributed no less to PM Serzh Sargsyan’s resignation as the PM, ostensibly to lead to a peaceful transition of power.

However, the ensuing developments indicated that his resignation was a Machiavellian political gambit. War with Azerbaijan all along deemed more likely than any time before, as Serzh Sargsyan cautiously said in the National Assembly on April 17, 2018. The old guard calculated that Armenia’s defeat under PM Nikol Pashinyan’s watch will facilitate their taking over the government anew, attributing the defeat to the inexperienced PM. 

But the Armenian public saw it otherwise and reelected Nikol Pashinyan on June 2021, post 44-day Second Artsakh war snap general election. The Armenian public had elected Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract alliance in the December 2018 snap general election to rule on the May 8, 2018 parliamentary election. 

The post 44-day Second Artsakh war snap general election in June 2021, secured Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract party 54% of the vote, against Robert Kocharyan led Armenia Alliance that had 21% of the votes and Serzh Sargsyan led “I have Honor Alliance” that had 5% of the votes.

The election results cemented  Nikol Pashinyan led Civil Contract’s hold of the Armenian government, which in turn led to the signing of the August 8, 2025 peace deal with Azerbaijan brokered by the U.S.   

                                           ***

Sources

Armenpress 17/04/2018 13:00: “Armenia’s desire is to solve Karabakh conflict through peaceful means – Serzh Sargsyan”

«Հայկական Թավշյա Հեղափոխություն», Ստեփան Գրիգորյան. 2018