V.H. Apelian's Blog

V.H. Apelian's Blog

Friday, November 30, 2018

Moneyed Armenians: Chalabis, Khojas, Amiras and Effendis (Part 1 of 2)

Part 1/2: Chalabis and Khojasrint
Dr. Antranig Chalabian
Translated and abridged by Vahe H. Apelian

By the 17th century, not much was left from the old Armenian nobility; they were Amadounis, Arshagounis, Artzrounis, Broshians, Gamsaragans, Hassan-Jalalians, Mamikonians, Orpelians, Pakradounis, Rshdounis, Saharounis, Vahramians, Zakarians and other noble houses. During the 17th century new upper classes appeared among the Armenians; the Chalabis mostly in Constantinople and the Khojas in Old and New Julfas and their regions.
1. Chalabis
Even during the early days of the Ottoman Empire, in the 13thcentury, the Armenian feudal families saw that they were losing ground by the usurpation of their lands. They began trusting more in the mobility of monetary wealth. Over a period of time some of them, through the wealth they accumulated, were able to secure for themselves high positions within the Ottoman royalty. They were called the Chalabis.
In Constantinople the primary occupation of the Armenians who attained that honorific title was money exchange. The Chalabis, wrote Hagop S. Anasian “overwhelmingly were devoted to banking transactions, servicing the members of the Ottoman court”. The Chalabis at times were also involved in large-scale trade. However, even for those involved in trade, it was not their main occupation. “We will not be mistaken”, continues Anasian, “if we claim that the Armenian Chalabis of the 17th century became the predecessors of the Armenian Amiras in Constantinople in the coming centuries.”
The Armenian Chalabis, having deeply rooted in banking and money exchange, cultivated the mannerism of upper cast nobles and became fiercely conservative when it came to the social changes affecting the western Armenians.
Among the known Armenian Chalabis were the following: Maghakia and Iskendar Chalabis from Ameda or Dikgranagerd (the Armenian Diarbekir), Sanos Chalabi from Aleppo, Andon and Abro Chalabis from Bursa, Shahen Chalabi from Drabezon and Yeremia Chalabi Keumurdjian. The latter was born in Constantinople in 1637. He mastered Turkish, Greek, Latin and other European languages. He served as the secretary of two Patriarchs, Yeghiazar I (1651-1652) known as Yeghiazar of Aintab (ԵղիազարԱյնթապցի) and Mardiros II (1659-1660) known as Mardiros of Kefez (Մարտիրոս Բ Քեֆեցի). He was also the tutor of the wealthy Abro Chalabi’s children.
Yeremia Chalabi Keumurdjian authored historical works, poems, essays, and translations. Father Nerses Aginian, of the Mekhitarian Order, wrote extensively about him in 1930’s. In 1952, Hrant Der Antreasian translated into Turkish Yeremia Chalabi’s three volumes historical book about the history of Constantinople. The eminent Hagop Martayan wrote praising that he was a beacon of light in the prevalent darkness of his time.
The Chalabis exercised great influence especially in Bolis, the capital city that was the nerve center of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Because of their ties with the court and the influence they had there, they practically had the affairs of the Armenian Millet run at their discretion.
From the beginning of the 18th century and for the next 100 years the running of the Ottoman mint was the monopoly of the great Duzian family who were Chalabis themselves. The Duzian Chalabis minted the Empire’s gold and silver monies. The members of the family were also the jewelers of the court.  They were immensely wealthy.
During the 19th century Sarkis Chalabi Duz was one of the most noted member of the family. During the reign of Sultan Mahmud the Second, 1808-1839, Haled Effendi, a high placed official in the court envied the trust the Sultan had towards the members of the Christian Duzian family. With an Armenian accomplice who was an employee and a confidant of the Duzian family, Haled Effendi started spreading unfounded rumors that the Duzian family members plan to flee the country taking with them royal treasury or using their immense wealth and ties they intend to conspire with the Janissaries to have them rise against the Sultan himself. These rumors had their intended effects.
On the night of October 16, 1819, Sultan Mahmud had the Duzian palace surrounded and had all the members of the Duzian family apprehended. Two brothers were beheaded in front of the royal court and the other two brothers were hanged publicly. All that the Duzian family owned was confiscated and put at the disposal of the Sultan.
After the demise of the family the Armenian accomplice of this treason was elevated to high position within the court. Who was he who helped orchestrate the destruction of the Duzian dynasty? “It's better that his name be lost forever in the dark pages of history”, says the Mekhitarist Father Sahag Der Movsesian.
2. Khojas
On June 6, 1064, Alp Arslan ransacked Ani, the capital city of the Pakradouni dynasty. Most of the survivors fled to Crimea, Poland and elsewhere.
Some of the survivors of the devastation preferred to flee southbound and following the Akhourian River reached the southern end of Nakhijevan along the border of Persia, on the northern bank of the Arax River. That desolate area, cut off from the rest of the world, offered them a safe haven. The town they formed there came to be called Jugha.
The new inhabitants of Jugha were mostly artisans and traders. There was not enough fertile soil among the large boulders to sustain an economy based on agriculture.  To make a living they became peddlers buying good from the shops in Nachijevan and transporting them on the back of their donkeys, roaming from village to another to sell the goods. Over the years they expanded their trade forming caravan routes transporting goods to the Caucasus and by the 16thcentury the enterprising Khojas of Jugha were trading in the far east in India and beyond, and in the west they had established trading houses in Venice and Italy and as far north as in Holland.
Khoja is a Persian word and it means master or lord. It is bestowed upon persons of wealth. In Persia large land holders and traders carried the title. The same title was also used in Turkey.
Five hundred and forty years after the ransack of Ani, in 1604, when the inhabitants of Jugha welcomed the Persian Shah Abbas the Great, the thriving town had already around 2000 households and seven splendid churches. The Khojas of Jugha, headed by Khoja Khachig, bribed the local warlords to secure their trading. These warlords would fill their pockets and would let the Khojas continue on with their trades.
After their forced deportation by Shah Abbas into the interior of Persia, in the southern part of Isfahan, they formed a new settlement calling it New Jugha. By forcing the relocation of the inhabitants of Jugha to the interior of Iran, Shah Abbas wanted to expand Iran’s trade to the far reaches of the world. The Persians produced silk and other goods but they did not have the means and the connections to have their products sold in foreign markets.
The New Jugha prospered incredibly fast thanks also to monetary assistance by Shah Abbas. It soon overshadowed the fame the old Jugha had mustered after centuries of experience in trade. The Khojas of New Jugha, headed by Khoja Nazar, with the ships they owned, not only sailed to Bombay and Madras in India, but also to Java and the Philippine Islands in the East, and in the West they established trading centers in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden, Poland and Russia as well.
The Khojas of New Jugha took their sons to Holland for education. Some of them studied art and painted the churches of New Jugha. Over the years the Armenian community in Amsterdam swelled and prospered. It was there that the first Armenian bible was printed in 1666.
The French merchant and traveler Jean-Bapstise Tavernier noted:  “These people (khojas) in a short span of time became so proficient that they initiated trade reaching as far as Tonkin, Java and Philippines.” Continuing his observations of the Armenian merchants, Tavernier wrote that the Armenians “have a knack for trade because they economize and are abstinent. I do not know if that is a virtue or a vice. When they, the Armenian khojas, are engaged in long lasting travels they carry with them dry food. Whenever they travel through mountainous region and come across a cheap goat or sheep, they purchase it. They also carry hooks with them to fish whenever they travel along riverbanks. When they reach a town they rent an empty room and five or six of them sleep in the same room, each of them carrying with them their own bedding and kitchen utensils.”
In 1667 the Khojas of New Jugha secured from Tsar Alexey Mikhalovitc the monopoly of importing silk without custom duties for selling in Russia. Until the end of the 17thcentury the Armenian merchants had permission to trade in Russia from Astrakhan in the south to far north.
Whenever the Khojas went to Moscow they would lavish gifts on the Tsar. On one occasion Khoja Nazar gifted Tsar Alexey a diamond laden crown that is kept to this day in the military history museum of Kremlin. The Armenian Khojas competed with English and European companies. The Armenian trade was family based. They did not have companies. Khoja Shahamir Shahamirian, for example, had settled from Nor Jugha into the Indian city Madras. From there he had trading centers in Persia, Mesopotamia and in European cities. Shah Abbas was so pleased with the enterprising Armenians that he would visit an Armenian church during Easter and would be hosted by the Khojas.
It is said that the Khojas of New Jugha had 24 churches erected of which 12 stand to this day. Khoja Khachig, who had hosted Shah Abbas in 1604 in the old Jugha, had financed the construction of one of the churches.
The prosperity of the New Jugha hardly lasted a century.  By the end of the 17th century the policies of the Persian shahs and Ayatollahs towards their Christian Armenian subjects changed altogether giving way to persecution and high taxes. A great number of Armenians emigrated to Bombay, Madras, Calcutta in India where they thrived much like they had in the Old and New Jugha. Others emigrated to Moscow, St. Petersburg where they inducted the local merchants into the silk trade.
In 1740 one of the former princes of New Jugha, Khoja Aghazar Lazarian, sent his son to Moscow. Shortly after, the rest of the family joined and settled in Moscow along with their other three sons. They established a silk factory.  In 1815 one of Aghazar’s sons established the Lazarian High School that later became Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages.  The building of the former institute nowadays houses the Embassy of Armenia in Moscow.
The Armenians from Jugha in India traded in silk, gold and diamond and became enormously wealthy. At the beginning not only they did not have any conflict with the mighty East India Company, but collaborated with its principals. Later on as the Armenian Khojas prospered enormously, a conflict started between them. The East India Company had received a royal charter from Queen Elizabeth in 1600, therefore it had the backing of the British Empire. With the support of the British Empire it defeated its rivals, including the Armenian Khojas, monopolizing trade to and from India.
In order to find new trading grounds the Armenian Khojas spread to Dekka, Bangladesh; Rangoon, Burma; Singapore, Malaysia; Jakarta, Indonesia; Chinghai, China and to Harbin, Manchuria where they prospered, had beautiful churches constructed and faded away.
Presently not a trace has remained of the Armenian Chalabis in the Asia Minor. Other than the Armenian cemetery that contains some ten thousand funerary monuments, not much is left of the Old Jugha, the birthplace of the Khojas. The New Jugha is still populated by few thousands of Armenians.
The Far East and the Pacific Ocean Armenian communities have all disappeared leaving behind churches that serve more as attractions to the interested tourists rather than houses of worship for the Armenians that do not exist there anymore. The rest of the Armenians from Yerevan to Los Angeles continue to growl repeating the poet that “we are, we will be and we will multiply.”
Multiply? Poor Baruyr Sevag. Had he been alive he would have witnessed that indeed the number of the Armenians in the Diaspora is increasing, certainly temporarily, due to massive exodus of the mostly able-bodied conscript age young men and women from his native land, Armenia. If Armenia continues to bleed this way, more likely than not it will house an Armenian minority living in the shadows of the Mount Ararat. 

Tuesday, November 27, 2018

A Wreath on the Gamavor’s (Legionnaire’s) Tomb

Vahe H. Apelian

 
Gamavor is an Armenian word meaning volunteer. It is used only as a noun. For the one or two generations preceding ours Gamavor referred to the approximately 5,000 Armenian men who volunteerarily joined the French Army to fight the Turks during the First World War. The French called the formation La Legion Armenienne. In English the descriptive word we have chosen is legionnaire. I am not sure if the word legionnaire inherently describes volunteering to a legion for a lofty cause, as was the case with the Armenian Gamavors
The Armenian volunteers were motivated by a French and Armenian Diaspora pact promising that in return for Armenian military support to the Allies against the Ottoman and German alliance, the French and their allies would help the Western Armenians lay the foundation for home rule in Cilicia, part of historic Armenia. Most, if not all, of the volunteers were expatriate Cilicians. Approximately 1,200 came from the United States, including some 70 Kessabtsis. Among the latter was Nshan, the paternal uncle of my maternal uncle, the historian Dr. Antranig Chalabian, who dedicated his book “Revolutionary Figures” to his uncle Nshan and noted the following:  Towards the end of 1916, when my father was subjected to deportation, his brother left America and returned to the homeland to enlist with the volunteers to fight against the Turks. After training with the Armenian Legion in Cyprus for two years, my uncle and his cousin Panos went to Palestine along with thousands of volunteers, fought in the Battle of Arara, went to Cilicia and after the turnabout of the French Government, returned to America and died in Fresno in 1973.”
The Battle of Arara was the major military engagement of the Gamavors. It took place on Sept. 18, 1918, near Megiddo (the Biblical Armageddon) in northern Palestine. The valor of the Armenian combatants in securing victory against the German-Turkish forces merited special commendation of the Allied High Command. Twenty-three Armenian combatants were killed in action. What followed the battle was another sad chapter in Armenian history.
The French forces, having secured victory, headed north and eventually captured Cilicia. Their presence encouraged the genocide survivors to return to their ancestral villages. But instead of honoring their pact with the Armenians, the French reneged on their promise and withdrew their forces, without giving notice to the Armenians and without having negotiated with Turkish forces about the state of the Armenians they were leaving behind. I recall being told, during family conversations, that the French even padded the hooves of their horses to muffle the sound of their unannounced midnight evacuation. “Chivalrous France” became a sarcastic expression in Armenian conversation and literature.
Abandoned and left to the whims of the Turkish onslaught, without the protection that they had rightfully expected from their French allies and unable to protect themselves, the Armenians once again fled their Cilician homeland to disperse around the world. Only two Armenian villages remain from the once thriving Armenian enclave on that prime northeastern Mediterranean region, along the Mediterranean coast,—the vilage Wakf in historical Mussa Dagh in Turkey and Kessab in Syria.
After the genocide the surviving Kessabtis who managed to return to Kessab tenaciously held on to their enclave and established a de facto home rule, under the leadership of the Kessabtsi Gamavors who had left the legion and moved to Kessab with their arms. The home rule lasted from 1918 to 1921 during which the Armenians established administrative and judicial bodies to enforce law and order. The former legionnaires also formed an armed force and protected the population from the prevailing lawlessness in the region and gave refuge to some members of other minorities such as ethnic Greeks and the Alevis. The French disbanded the Kessab self-rule, as they cemented their colonial control over Syria and Lebanon.
The British and the French, as the supreme powers in that part of the world, had secretely already drawn the map of the region to suit their interests. The straight-lined borders of present-day Middle Eastern states were the works of their foreign ministers, Sir Mark Sykes of Britain and François Georges-Picot of France. They carved, among themselves, what had remained of the Ottoman Empire, without regard to the mosaic of the area's ethnic, religious or social fabric.
The drawn map put Kessab within Turkey. The prospect of ending up in Turkey terrified the Kessabtsis in spite of the fact that they had been under Turkish rule for centuries, had adopted Turkish words in their vocabulary, traded almost exclusively with Turkish-occupied Antioch and had almost no dealing with their immediate Arab neighbors in the south. The uncertainty over the fate of Kessab heightened in the latter part of the decade (1937 to 1939) as Turkey began imposing its presence in Kessab and made Turkish language teaching mandatory. Many members of the first post-Genocide generation born in Kessab had reached conscription age by then. These young men, including my father, were urged by their families to flee to Lebanon lest they be be drafted into the Turkish Army.
The Kessabtsis also appealed to the occupying forces to have Kessab removed from the emerging Turkey. It is generally accepted that Cardinal Krikor Bedros XV Aghajanian (Գրիգոր Պետրոս ԺԵ. Աղաճանեան, French: Grégoire-Pierre XV Agagianian, Italian: Gregorio Pietro XV Agagianian) played a decisive role in having the colonial rulers redraw the map to secure the last remnant of Armenian Cilicia. This episode may be the only instance where the two great powers redrew the map in that corner of the Middle East to save the Armenian enclave Kessab from the Turkish occupation. Kessab was incorporated into Syria but at a price. Most of the arable lands of Kessab were given to Turkey.
The first Syrian government official visit to Kessab took place on March 20, 1944. Shukri Kuwaitli, the first elected President of Syria visited Kessab as a token of Syrian Government’s appreciation of the Armenians for having their native enclave included in Syria. 
The late George Azad Apelian, in an article, noted that during his pre-teens in the mid-'50s, the  Kessabtsi Gamavors came to Keurkune--one of Kessab's twelve villages--for their traditional September reunion celebrating their participation in the battle of Arara.. Their arrival created much excitement among the villagers, particularly among the youngsters, seeing the men in their military fatigues and carrying ammunition and rifles. The Gamavors celebrated their victory at the Battle of Arara seated next to the village spring, feasting over white sheets spread on the nearby meadow. They sang a song about the Gamavors. George had memorized the old song that ended with:
From Arara to Cilicia
Are reminders of the Volunteers
On the tomb of the Volunteer
There is no wreath, however.



Friday, November 23, 2018

«Գործող Կեդրոնի Պէտք Ունինք եւ ոչ թէ Թանգարանի»

Վահէ Յ. Աբէլեան


Վերնագիրը ընդօրինակած եմ Հրաչ Քալսահակեանին թեւ 179  վիտիոյէն։ Հրաչը գնահատելի սովորութիւնը մը ըրած է։ Մեր կեանքին հետ աղէրս ունեցող հարցերու մասին իր կարծիքը  կը ձայնագրէ եւ կը զետեղէ Եութիւպի վրայ։
Վերնագիրը ընդօրինակեցի քանի որ 1976-ին Ամերիկայ հաստատուելէս ետք անոր իրողութիւնը ապրած եմ եւ տակաւին կ՚ապրիմ։ Իսկ «գործող կենդրոն» իր ակնարկը ոչ թէ միայն Շարժայի մէջ հայ կեդրոնին նման կեդրոնի մը կը վերագրեմ, ալ նաեւ եկեղեցիին եւ ինչպէս նաեւ այլ հայկական հաստատութիւններուն։
Աւելի քան տասնամեակ մը մաս կազմեզի Նիւ ճըրզի Հայկական ծերանոցին հաստատութեան հոգաբարձութեանը (Board of Trustees).  Հոն ապրող տարեցներուն ծախսերը կը հոգայ կառաւարութիւնը։ Հետեւաբար կառաւարական հսկողութեան տակ գործող հաստատութիւն մըն է  եւ ենթակայ է անոր օրէնքներուն ինչպէս իրեն նման այլ հաստատութիւնները։ Բայց շէնքը կառուցած է հայ համայնքը եւ կը ղեկաւարուի համայնքէն ներկայացուցչներով եւ այսպէս պահած է որոշ հայկական դիմագիծ մը։
Նիւ Ճերզի հայկական ձեռանոցը սովորութիւն ունէր Հայրերու Օրուայ շաբաթավերջը ընկերական դաշտկերոյթ, փիքնիք, ունենալ որուն ներկայ կ՚ըլլային հարիւրաւորներ եւ հարիւրաւորներ։ Յեռնարկը կ՚ապահովէր հասոյթ հաստատութեան զանազան եւ այլազան կարիքներուն համար։ Այդ հասոյթը կարելի կըլլար ապահովել քանի որ այդ հսկայ ձեռնակը ամբողջութեամբ կը տարուէր կամաւոր աշխատողներու կողմէ։ Փիքնիքէն նուազագոյն շաբաթ մը առաջ պատրաստութիւնները կը սկսէին։ Ալ գնում ընողները, անոր նշանաւոր քէպապի միսերը պատրաստողները, ինչպէս նաեւ սարման, անուշեղէնները եւն եւն ամբողջութեամբ կը պատրաստուէին հոյլ մը կամաւորներու կողմէ եւ այսպէս եղած  էր տարուէ տարի, տասնեակ տարիներէ ի վեր։ Քանի մը սերունդներու համար ծեռանոցին Հայերու Օրուայ փիքնիքը անգիր բայց հաստատուած տօն մըն էր։ Երբ ես գործի համար նահանգէն հեռացայ 1995-ին արդէն փիքնիքը դադրած էր տեղի ունենալէ։ կամաւորներու այդ սերունդը կամաց կամաց հեռացաւ իսկ անոնց ձգած բացը լեցնողներ չեղան։ Նախքին սերընդակիցներ կը յիշեն ծեռանոցին հայկական փիքնիքը իր նուագով եւ պարով, անոր նշանաւոր քէպապը եւ պուլղուրով փիլաւը։ Բայգ նոր սերունդը գաղաբար իսկ չունի։

Անցեալ շաբաթ Մարին եւ ես ներկայ եղանք՝ Ուսթըրի (Worcester, MA) Սուրբ Երրորդութեան եկեղեցիին ներքնասրահը ուր այդ Ուրբաթ օրուան  երեկոյեան եկեղեցիին համար հասոյթ  ապահովելու համար տեղի ունենալիք հիրասիրութեան  պատրաստութիւնը կըլլար։ Հոն ալ խումբ մը, ընհանրապէս կիներ, ժրաջան կ՚աշխատայիին։ Բայց ամէնուն մտահոգութիւնը նոյն էր, երիտասարդ կամաւորներու պակասը։ Հիւրասիրութիւնը տեղի ունեցաւ եւ ըստ ակնկալութեան, շուրջ $20,000 շահ ապահոված պիտի ըլլայ։ Անշուշտ որ այդ կարելի եղաւ շնորհիւ կամաւոր աշախատողներուն եւ մատակարարողներուն։ Հապա՞ եթէ անոնք չըլլային կամ չըլլան օր մը։
Պարզուած պատկերը ընհանրական է եւ պատասխանատութիւնը մեր ամբողջին վրայ կ՚իյնայ։ Ոչ մէկ վարչութիւն կամ վարչական, կացութիւնէն շատ բան պիտի կարենայ փոխել եթէ տիրող մտայնութիւնը այսպէս շարունակուի։ Այնպէս որ անբողջութեամբ չեմ բաժներ Հրաչին ըրած ախտաճանաչումը։ Հոն հասարակած պատասխանատուութիւն մը կայ որուն մասին պէտք եղած ախտաճանաճումը չգտայ Հրաչին տեսաերիզին վրայ։
Հակասական վիճակ մը կայ այս կացութեամ մէջ։ Բացատրեմ օրինակով՝
Օհայօ Նահանգին, Քոլոմպոս քաղաքին մէջ հայկական կազմակերպուած համայնք մը կայ որ կապուած է Էջմիածնական Թեմին։ Հոն է որ անդրադարձայ թեմերուն անյաղորդ վիճակին պատճառած վնասը։ Պարբերաբար կղեր մը կուգայ եւ կը պատարագէ։ Բայց այդ կղերականը պէտք է ըլլայ Էջմիածնայ Թեմէն։ Կը պատահի որ շրջան մը, այլ եւ այլ պատճառներով, կղերական մը չըլլայ։ Բայց համայնքը արտօնուած չէ կապ պահել Անթիլեասի Թեմին հետ որպէսզի կղերական մը տրամադրէ Էջմիածնական Թեմին կղերականին բացակայութեանը։ Օտար եկեղեցի մը իր ներքնասրահը եւ պաշտամունքի եկեղեցիին սրահը տրամադրուած է հայ համայնքին Քրիստոնեայ եղբայրական զգացումներէ տարուած։ Բայց համայնքը ակնկալուած համեմատութեամբ ներկայ չըլլար։ Բայց երբ հարց կը տրուի շարունակել կամ դադրեցնել այս վիճակը, համայնքը չուզեր դադրեցնլ, բայց զարմանալիօրէն պէտք եղած տարողութեամբ մասնակցելու տրամդրութիւն ալ ցոյց  չի տար եւ միեւնոյն ժամանակ չուզեր առանց եկեղեցիի եւ որոշ կազմակերպուած համայնքի մը ներկայութեանը մնալ։ Այսպէս պատասխանատուութիւնը կը մնայ  կամաւորներու շատ սեղմ շրջանակի մը ուսերուն վրայ որոնք արդարաբար կը գանգատին եւ սպառնան դադրիլ պատասխանատուութիւն ստանցնելէ։
Կար ժամանակ երբ միւթենական աշխատանքի համար ոչ թէ միայն տրամադրութիւն կար, այլ յաճախ ներքին պայքարներու պատճառ կը դարնար ստանցնելու վարչական պատասխանատուութիւնը։ Յաճախ կը պատահէր որ այդ համայնքը կեդրոն չունենար եւ հետեւաբար կեդրոն ունենալը հիմնական անհրաժեշտութիւն կը դարնար։ Արեւմտեան Պէյրութի ժողովրդային տունը ուր ես անցուցի պատանեկութիւնըս եւ երիտասարդութեանս սկզբնական տարիները, կուսացութեան չէր պատկաներ։ Վարձու տեղ մըն էր։ Յետաքային կուսակցութիւնը ունեցաւ իր կեդրոնը որ դժբախտաբար չի կրցաւ օգտագործել քաղաքացիական պատերազմին պատճառաւ եւ ըսուեցաւ որ ծախուեցաւ։
Ներկայիս շատ աւելի դիւրին է շէնք մը բարձրացնելը բայց շատ աւելի դժուարացած է այդ շէնքը գործող կեդրոնի մը վերածելը։ Վարիչներ կամ որոշ մարդիկ կրնան որոշ օգտակարութիւն ունենալ շէնքը գործոն կեդրոնի մը վերածելու։ Բայց այդ մէկը դատապարտուած է աւելի շատ կանուխ քան ուշ  իր վերջալոյսին, եթէ համայնքին անդամներուն մասնակցելու եւ բաժնեկցելու ընհանրական տրամադրութիւնը օրէ օր պակսի։