“Artsakh is Armenia”, myth or reality?

Vahe H Apelian

Republic of Mountainous Karabakh in 2017,  Republic of Artsakh in 2018

The title of the blog pertains to the declaration the PM Nikol Pashinyan made in Stepanakert in 2019.

A few hours ago, Avo G Boghossian had made the following thought-provoking remark early morning on his Facebook page: “I was listening to Areg Kochinyan's Dilemma program, where the discussants were Tatul Hakobyan and Aghasi Tadevosyan. The link is below if you want to listen to it, which is very interesting. Aghasi cited the following interesting information of which I had not thought about or noticed despite the fact that I have been in Sweden twice and for months. He says that in Sweden the most important national value, or one of the most important, is Progress, that is, progress, in all areas. Can you imagine this when we compare it with the values we profess? Our past, myths, the Church, honor, pride, masculine virtues, etc. are part of our special national values... all of which come from the past, there is no future while the Swedes emphasize the future, improvement, and progress. It is the result of this national value that today, this cold, almost polar country, has reached a level that is among the top ten in the world in many areas, such as longevity, health, respect for human values, gender equality, scientific development, innovation, artificial intelligence, and many other things. They live for the future; we live for the past. Tatul made a good point. We give a lot of credence to our myths, one of which was the invincibility of our army, and he says, which army has not been defeated? Is there a single army in the world that has not been defeated in its history? Because of this myth, there have been many deserters from our army, and many quickly when they were faced with the reality that the enemy army was much better prepared, much better organized, and with much more modern weaponry.”

Prevalence of myth in nation’s psyche may be argued to be true, but not necessarily so. Roupen Der Minassian headed the First Republic’s Minister of the Army. On November 25, 1920, he resigned office to make room for  PM Simon Vratsian’s short-lived government to transition the first free and independcnt Republic of Armenia onto Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia. In his farewell to arms address he said the following: “Witnessing the formation of the Armenian Army, its development and the victories it achieved, I firmly believed in the fulfillment of our beautiful age-old dream of a United and Independent Armenia, completely liberated. I followed with excitement our army’s advances on the borders of Eastern Armenia.

However, our newly established army did not prove to be strong enough to be a match against our enemy’s forces forged through centuries of warfare and unfortunately had to concede to the stronger and better organized adversary.” 

One of the reasons myth perpetuates is because people pick and choose in history.

Avo G Bogossian had suggested to watch the recording of the panel. I did. However, after a short while I stopped to jot this note when I heard Tatul Hakobyan cite for a myth PM Nikol Pashinyan’s declaration in Stepanakert in August 2019 that “Arstakh is Armenia and that’s it”. Tatul Hakobyan has repeatedly cited it as an example of myth becoming part of state mindset. Naturally as the PM, Nikol Pashinyan should have been more diplomatic for he knew too, all too well, like any us that Armenia did NOT incorporate Artsakh as part of Armenia or annex it. Armenia also did NOT recognize Artsakh as a state of its own. But Artsakh was Armenia.

For all practical purposes on the ground the self-declared Republic of the Mountainous Karabagh, later Republic of Artsakh was part of Armenia. Its citizens were Armenian nationals. Its monetary system was Tram, the Armenia currency. Its banking system was Armenia’s banking system. Its representatives travelled the world  as citizens of Armenia travelled the world, with Armenian passport and hence with all rights and privileges abroad of a citizens of Armenia.  Armenia was a signatory of the Bishkek Protocol  or agreement that ceased the first Artsakh war. To have ignored these realities on the ground and claim that Artsakh was not Armenia would have been a myth in itself. Myth may be perpetuated when a state does not know the implications of its actions. When the state pursues policies and takes actions and expects the third parties not to view them in real terms.

Now let me pose the following question. Was Artsakh part of Armenia or not? 

Gearing for June 2031: Hybrid Warfare

Vaհe H Apelian

I follow PM Nikol Pashinyan’s postings on his Facebook page. I found out that he is on vacation until August 15, 2025. The first Armenian couple and family seem to have secluded themselves vacationing and do not seem to post on social media. His wife Anna Hakobyan has posted a number of family pictures mostly depicting their lives before they became public figures, she said. 

 But I was left under the impression that Nikol Pashinyan has been a civic minded since his youth, surely not on the international scene as he became one after the revolution he led that propelled him to power on May 8, 2018, when he was elected effectively as the first PM of the parliamentary form of government Armenia had adopted in a national constitutional referendum in 2015. 

I first became aware of Nikol Pashinyan thanks to the Keghart.com online journal.  On November 27, 2010 it published a circular in defense of an imprisoned journalist in Armenia by the name Nikol Pashinyan. The circular read: “We, Armenians living in the Diaspora and our non-Armenian friends, are deeply concerned in the imprisonment of Nikol Pashinyan, editor-in-chief of Haykakan Zhamanak (“Armenian Time”) daily in Armenia, and his treatment in jail. While Mr. Pashinyan’s voluntary surrender to law enforcement agencies should have been duly noted by the Armenian authorities, the veteran journalist has experienced coercion behind bars. We attest that these reprehensible acts of the authorities–aimed at silencing Mr. Pashinyan and punishing him for his political views–will have the opposite outcome, making the editor’s voice heard more forcefully in Armenia and in the Diaspora. Deeply concerned with the treatment of the journalist, we are following the “judicial process” with vigilance, hoping that he will be released soon. Meanwhile, we demand that the Armenian authorities put an end to the unlawful acts against him and ensure his security.”

Looking back at the circular, I read that 130,370 people had read the circular, over 2000 had commented. An unaccounted number of people had signed the circular. As far as I know, Keghart.com was the only Armenian Diaspora journal that carried the news of his imprisonment and treatment in prison. The remaining Diaspora journals had remained indifferent. But eight years after that appeal,  Nikol Pashinyan was elected the first functioning PM of Armenia on May 8, 2018. The peaceful Velvet Revolution he led had catapulted him to that position he presently continues to occupy after winning two general snap elections. The first general snap election took place on December 2018 to validate the parliamentary choice on May 8, 2018. The second general election took place in June 2021, some eight months after cessation of the second Artsakh war. In spite of the inordinate historical events Armenia experienced under his watch, the citizens of Armenia reelected him in both general snap elections.

On May 1, 2018, Nikol Pashinyan presented himself to the National Assembly, as the candidate to take over the seat the newly elected PM Serzh Sargsyan had vacated when he resigned office a week earlier on April 23, 2018.  He addressed the NA and outlined his vision. With regard to the foreign policy, he said the following: “If I become Prime Minister, there will be no sharp changes in Armenia's foreign policy. Armenia will continue to remain a member of the EAEU (Eurasian Economic Union), and the CSTO. We considered and consider Russia a military ally and this movement does not pose any threat to Russia. We will deepen relations with the European Union; we will do everything to eliminate the EU visa requirement for Armenian citizens." (see the recorded quote below). However, Armenia appears to detach itself from Russian Federation in security matters, as it has frozen its CSTCO membership and appears to be contemplating withdrawal from the Russian led security organization. Why the shift in policy came about is altogether different matter.

Hybrid warfare is a 21st century warfare that has been formally accepted as a warring strategy.

Upon his return from vacation, Nikol Pashinyan will resume what he already maintained that Armenia is in a state of hybrid war waged by internal and external forces, amidst Armenia’s security concerns. Surprisingly and unexpectadly segments of Diaspora in the west appear to be part of that Russia led shadowy warfare against the Nikol Pashinyan/Civil Contract led government. The ongoing shadowy war aims to rupture the Armenian civil society by misinformation by creating cultural war fronts, pitting an alleged more patriotic segment against an alleged not as patriotic; or an alleged nationalistic segment of the Armenian society against an alleged not as nationalistic; against the government alleging that it corrupts the Armenian society by its closer ties to decadent West. The recent virulent comments against Jennifer Lopez musical festival sponsored by the government  was  also done in that context. Alleging that the Armenian government is waging a war against the church when it is not, is a misinformation that is being promoted to oust the sitting government. 

Recently I watched a presentation sponsored by ARPA, titled, “The Transformative Transition, Western Alignment, Geopolitical and Internal Ongoings in Armenia”, presented by Prof. Nerses Kopalyan and moderated by Dr. Hrair Cabayan. Prof. Nerses claimed that Russia has entrusted waging its hybrid war against the Nikol Pashinyan led government to its experienced A Team. Russia still has a lot of leverage in Armenia led by Russian Armenian oligarchs and their proxies in Armenia, with Catholicos Karekin II, his brother, and a few high placed bishops playing a decisive role. 

Naturally the citizens of Armenia will decide the course of their country. It would be expected that it would come about in the ballot box. However, recently National Security Services recorded Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan and others associated with the "Sacred Struggle" movement, discussing acts of subversion to seize power is very concerning and hopefully would not spill in June 2026 election.

Prof. Nerses said that the anti government faction in Armenia does not have a viable candidate for the June 2026 election.  The opposition or should I say anti-government faction may disrupt the June 2026 election by fostering doubts on its legitimacy. He claimed that the opposition goal is beyond the June 2026 election. It is the June 2031 election. Those interested may hear the panelist prof. Neses Kopalyan and the moderator Dr.  Hrair Cabayan in the video recording attached below.  

 

 

Բնագիրը՝

 

«Իմ վարչապետ լինելու դեպքում Հայաստանի արտաքին քաղաքականութեան մեջ կտրուկ շր՚ջադարձեր չեն լինի։ Հայաստանի շարունակելու է մնալ ԵԱՏՄ եւ ՀԱՊԿ անդամ։    Մենք Ռուսաստանին համարել եւ համարում ենք ռազմավառական դաշնակից եւ այս շարժումը որեւէ վտանք չի ներկայացնում Ռուսաստանի համար։ Մերնք խորացնելու ենք հարաբերութիւնները  Եվրամիության հետ, ամէն ինչ անելու ենք Հայաստանի քաղաքացիներուն համար Եվրամիության մուտքի արտոնագրի պահանջի վերացման ուղղությամբ։»

 

Gearing for June 2031: Hybrid Warfare

Vaհe H Apelian

I follow PM Nikol Pashinyan’s postings on his Facebook page. I found out that he is on vacation until August 15, 2025. The first Armenian couple and family seem to have secluded themselves vacationing and do not seem to post on social media. His wife Anna Hakobyan has posted a number of family pictures mostly depicting their lives before they became public figures, she said. 

 But I was left under the impression that Nikol Pashinyan has been a civic minded since his youth, surely not on the international scene as he became one after the revolution he led that propelled him to power on May 8, 2018, when he was elected effectively as the first PM of the parliamentary form of government Armenia had adopted in a national constitutional referendum in 2015. 

I first became aware of Nikol Pashinyan thank to the Keghart.com online journal.  On November 27, 2010 it published a circular in defense of an imprisoned journalist in Armenia by the name Nikol Pashinyan. The circular read: “We, Armenians living in the Diaspora and our non-Armenian friends, are deeply concerned in the imprisonment of Nikol Pashinyan, editor-in-chief of Haykakan Zhamanak (“Armenian Time”) daily in Armenia, and his treatment in jail. While Mr. Pashinyan’s voluntary surrender to law enforcement agencies should have been duly noted by the Armenian authorities, the veteran journalist has experienced coercion behind bars. We attest that these reprehensible acts of the authorities–aimed at silencing Mr. Pashinyan and punishing him for his political views–will have the opposite outcome, making the editor’s voice heard more forcefully in Armenia and in the Diaspora. Deeply concerned with the treatment of the journalist, we are following the “judicial process” with vigilance, hoping that he will be released soon. Meanwhile, we demand that the Armenian authorities put an end to the unlawful acts against him and ensure his security.”

Looking back at the circular, I read that 130,370 people had read the circular, over 2000 had commented. An unaccounted number of people had signed the circular. As far as I know, Keghart.com was the only Armenian Diaspora journal that carried the news of his imprisonment and treatment in prison. The remaining Diaspora journals had remained indifferent. But eight years after that appeal,  Nikol Pashinyan was elected the first functioning PM of Armenia on May 8, 2018. The peaceful Velvet Revolution he led had catapulted him to that position he presently continues to occupy after winning two general snap elections. The first general snap election took place on December 2018 to validate the parliamentary choice on May 8, 2018. The second general election took place in June 2021, some eight months after cessation of the second Artsakh war. In spite of the inordinate historical events Armenia experienced under his watch, the citizens of Armenia reelected him in both general snap elections.

On May 1, 2018, Nikol Pashinyan presented himself to the National Assembly, as the candidate to take over the seat the newly elected PM Serzh Sargsyan had vacated when he resigned office a week earlier on April 23, 2018.  He addressed the NA and outlined his vision. With regard to the foreign policy, he said the following: “If I become Prime Minister, there will be no sharp changes in Armenia's foreign policy. Armenia will continue to remain a member of the EAEU (Eurasian Economic Union), and the CSTO. We considered and consider Russia a military ally and this movement does not pose any threat to Russia. We will deepen relations with the European Union; we will do everything to eliminate the EU visa requirement for Armenian citizens." (see the recorded quote below). However, Armenia appears to detach itself from Russian Federation in security matters, as it has frozen its CSTCO membership and appears to be contemplating withdrawal from the Russian led security organization. Why the shift in policy came about is altogether different matter.

Hybrid warfare is a 21st century warfare that has been formally accepted as a warring strategy.

Upon his return from vacation, Nikol Pashinyan will resume what he already maintained that Armenia is in a state of hybrid war waged by internal and external forces, amidst Armenia’s security concerns. Surprisingly and unexpectadly segments of Diaspora in the west appear to be part of that Russia led shadowy warfare against the Nikol Pashinyan/Civil Contract led government. The ongoing shadowy war aims to rupture the Armenian civil society by misinformation by creating cultural war fronts, pitting an alleged more patriotic segment against an alleged not as patriotic; or an alleged nationalistic segment of the Armenian society against an alleged not as nationalistic; against the government alleging that it corrupts the Armenian society by its closer ties to decadent West. The recent virulent comments against Jennifer Lopez musical festival sponsored by the government  was  also done in that context. Alleging that the Armenian government is waging a war against the church when it is not, is a misinformation that is being promoted to oust the sitting government. 

Recently I watched a presentation sponsored by ARPA, titled, “The Transformative Transition, Western Alignment, Geopolitical and Internal Ongoings in Armenia”, presented by Prof. Nerses Kopalyan and moderated by Dr. Hrair Cabayan. Prof. Nerses claimed that Russia has entrusted waging its hybrid war against the Nikol Pashinyan led government to its experienced A Team. Russia still has a lot of leverage in Armenia led by Russian Armenian oligarchs and their proxies in Armenia, with Catholicos Karekin II, his brother, and a few high placed bishops playing a decisive role. 

Naturally the citizens of Armenia will decide the course of their country. It would be expected that it would come about in the ballot box. However, recently National Security Services recorded Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan and others associated with the "Sacred Struggle" movement, discussing acts of subversion to seize power, which hopefully would not spill in June 2026 election.

Prof. Nerses said that the anti government faction in Armenia does not have a viable candidate for the June 2026 election.  The opposition may disrupt the June 2026 election by fostering doubts on its legitimacy. He claimed that the opposition goal is beyond the June 2026 election. It is the June 2031 election. Those interested may hear the panelist prof. Neses Kopalyan and the moderator Dr.  Hrair Cabayan in the video recording attached below.  

Early Armenian migrants did not create a migrant crisis

Vaհe H Apelian

Today, I read Boston 25 News that “after years of grappling with a migrant crisis the state has closed all emergency state shelters and motels, Gov. Maura Healey said Friday.” I did not understand and still do not understand who the migrants are to have created a crisis obviously because they are being housed in hotels and motels. Surely, anyone who has stayed in a hotel or a motel in Massachusetts, understands that it is a costly proposition one has to contend with for a reason, such as for an overnight stay while vacationing, travel on business etc.  But to house a family in a hotel or a motel for shelter entails a long term stay and surely is inordinately costly way to house a family. If there is any party who absolutely has no problem with this housing method, are the owners of the motels and hotels who are guaranteed occupancy and assured payment. 

AI overview tells me that “ A migrant is someone who moves from one place to another, either within their own country or across borders, often for reasons such as seeking better economic opportunities, education, or to join family. They are not necessarily fleeing persecution or violence like refugees. The term can encompass a wide range of situations and motivations for movement.” Governor Healy owes us an explanation, who are the migrants and why are they housed in hotels and motels?

Upon further reading, I read that “Confronting more than $1 billion in annual costs tied to the state’s emergency assistance family shelter system, the Healey administration rolled out a suite of new reforms Fridau//” Whoever these migrant needy families are, they surely tax the state of Massachusetts $1 billion annually.

Reading about the current migrant crisis, I was reminded of the early migrant Armenians who came to United States to better their lives. They surely were not met by a government that housed them in a hotel or a motel. I imagine staying in a hotel or a motel was not even in their wildest dreams.

The state of Massachusetts was a magnet for early Armenian migrants. I imagine they were migrants and not immigrants. Many just secured a passage on a trans-Atlantic ship and got off of the ship when the ship anchored in a U.S. seaport and many headed to Worcester, MA because for them “Worcester is America”. (An actual quote Dr. Hagop Martin Deranian used as a title for his book.)

It occurred to me to check with Mark Arslan, who provided me his extensive data base he has painstakingly prepared. After familiarizing myself with the data base and the search options he has provided, I checked where these early Armenian migrants sheltered themselves when they came to Worcester, MA where Southbridge Street seemed to have become popular street for these early Armenian migrants.  

I read that ten Armenians, not all necessarily had the same family name, housed themselves in 50 Southbridge Street. They were all males. Their names were: Kalust, Haroutiun, Mourad, Tavit, Manoug, Parsegh, Aghajan, Levon, Krikor, Kevork. 

In 114 southbridge Steet, five Armenian males lived within a short frame of time. Their names were: Bedros, Hagop, Haroutiun, Antranig, Hampartsoum. 

In 130 Southbridge Street, six Armenian males with that short frame of time. Their names were: Margos, Asadour, Toros, Haroutiun, Soukias, Garabed.

These three cohabitation addresses are just examples of a common trend. Mark Arslan’s extensive database has over 180,000 such entries. Similar situation can be encountered in all the cities they went. 

They were mostly males, who would work hard, to establish themselves to form families of their own and they did. Dr. Albert Apelian in his fictional novel “Ash-Kar” wrote about these men’s drive to have families of their own and about their marriages. 

I am reminded of the proverbial Chinese saying that says if you give a fish to person, you feed him one day and if you teach the person how to fish, you help him feed himself a lifetime.These early Armenian males in all likelihood did not have someone to teach them. They thought themselves and left an enduring legacy to emulate.

How about these migrants who have catapulted a crisis in the State of Massachusetts? Something is amiss somewhere.

 

A Historic Moment: The First Parliament and the inaugural address of the First Armenian Republic:

Attached is my aided translation of Tatul Hakobyan’s posting on August 1, 2025 on his Facebook page that the inaugural session of the first parliament of Armenia, took place in the hall of the Yerevan City Club on August 1, 1918. He wrote that “The honor of the first session of the first legislative body of Armenia was given to its president, Avetik Sahakyan. In deep silence, Sahakyan took the stage and delivered the opening speech, which was translated into Russian and Turkish on the spot, writes Simon Vratsyan. In addition to members of the government and representatives of the army, representatives of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and the consul of Persia were present at the inaugural session of the Council. Avetik Sahakyan was born in 1864 in Jalaloghli (now Stepanavan). In 1920, when Armenia was Sovietized, Sahakyan moved to Tabriz. He died in 1933 in Lebanon. We present this speech in its entirety” noted Tatul Hakopyan. The original posting is embedded. Vahe H Apelian.

 

HAIERENIK 1890-1918, Caucasian Armenia Declares Independence. 

“Citizens, Deputies of the Council of Armenia.

 

On behalf of the Supreme Armenian National Council (Assembly), I have the honor today to open the inaugural session of the Council of Armenia and to announce that from now on this is the only authorized body encompassing the state powers of the Republic of Armenia.

 

This day will become historic for us and will open a new bright era in the life of our young state’s independent political and economic development.

 

This day will always be memorable and for the reason that for the first time we see realized within our narrow horizons, the beautiful dream and cherished desire for self-determination, albeit in impossibly difficult conditions.

 

Assuming that many of you are not well informed about the issue of our country's independence, I find it extremely important to present to this high assembly the stages through which the idea of independent states in Transcaucasia has passed from its beginning to its final formulation.

 

Our republic, like the others, appeared as independent states in that from the day when the Transcaucasian Sejm declared itself dissolved on May 26 [1918]. On the initiative and proposal of the Georgian Social Democratic faction, Georgia declared itself independent on the same day.

 

After the collapse of the whole of Transcaucasia, our country was left to its own devices, so the Armenian National Council hastened to take over all the functions of the government.

 

It was then that the well-known ultimatum of the Ottoman government about new land acquisitions was received and a response was required within 48 hours. The Supreme Council immediately sent a separate delegation to Batumi in the person of Hovhannes Kajaznuni, Mikael Papajanyan and Alexander Khatisyan, giving them extraordinary powers to negotiate with the Turkish delegation.

 

Our delegation managed to make some corrections to the borders, but was still forced to accept the ultimatum and conclude a peace alliance with Vehib Pasha and Khalil Bey. Here, for the first time, the deputies of the Armenian National Council were officially recognized as representatives of independent Armenia and signed the June 4 alliance [between the Republic of Armenia and the Ottoman Empire]. [Treaty of Peace and Friendship of the Imperial Government, 1918]:

 

The independence of our state is also known to the allied states of Dajgasstan (Turkey), Germany, Austria, Bulgaria. Our second delegation is in Constantinople, which includes Avetis Aharonyan, Alexander Khatisyan and Mikael Papajanyan, who went there at the invitation of the Ottoman government to conduct negotiations with Dajgastan (Turkey) and its allied states.

 

Thus, having comprehensively examined the country's forces and the circumstances in which the Armenian people find themselves, on the one hand, and the political and economic situation created, on the other, the Armenian National Council with heavy heart and with a brutal conscience decided to finally accept the ultimatum and recognize the independence of Armenia, submitting itself to the impartial judgment of history.

 

Yes, our republic is small and with narrow borders, it has been deprived of its most valuable territories and cannot accommodate within itself the entire population and, it seems, does not have the conditions for an independent existence. But I think that the borders of the country cannot remain frozen forever. I believe that the borders of the country will expand with the iron force of life, with the protection of our just and indisputable rights in relation to the occupied territories and with a new friendly alliance with Dajgastan (Turkey) and its allied states, whose representatives are present here. We have chosen the path of agreement and peace, and I want to hope that we are not mistaken.

 

Until then, we will sacredly and unswervingly fulfill our duties that stem from the peace alliance. Let us leave the future prospects, at least, today here without hesitation and with full determination we are laying anchor to our statesmanship and laying the foundation of the state building, striving to always improve it for the benefit of all nationalities of the Republic of Armenia, as children of one dear motherland.

 

I declare the session of the Council of Armenia open.”

Courtesy Tatul Hakobyan

Բնագիրը՝

 

1918 թվականի օգոստոսի 1-ին Երևանի քաղաքային ակումբի դահլիճում բացվեց Հայաստանի առաջին խորհրդարանի՝ Խորհրդի, անդրանիկ նիստը: Հայաստանի անդրանիկ օրենսդիր մարմնի առաջին նիստի պատիվը տրվեց նրա նախագահ Ավետիք Սահակյանին: Խորին լռության մեջ բեմ ելավ Սահակյանը և արտասանեց բացման ճառը, որը տեղում թարգմանվեց ռուսերեն և թուրքերեն, գրում է Սիմոն Վրացյանը:

 

Բացի կառավարության անդամների ու բանակի ներկայացուցիչների, Խորհրդի անդրանիկ նիստին ներկա են եղել Գերմանիայի, Ավստրո-Հունգարիայի, Թուրքիայի ներկայացուցիչները, Պարսկաստանի հյուպատոսը:

 

Ավետիք Սահակյանը ծնվել է 1864-ին՝ Ջալալօղլիում (այժմ՝ Ստեփանավան): 1920 թվականին, երբ Հայաստանը խորհրդայնացվեց, Սահակյանն անցավ Թավրիզ։ Մահացել է 1933 թվականին Լիբանանում։

 

Ներկայացնում ենք այդ ճառը ամբողջությամբ:

 

ԱՆԻ կենտրոն 

 

Քաղաքացինե՛ր, պատգամավորներ Հայաստանի խորհրդի:

 

Գերագույն Հայոց ազգային խորհրդի կողմից ես պատիվ ունեմ այսօր բաց անել անդրանիկ նիստը Հայաստանի խորհրդի և հայտարարել, որ այսուհետև սա՛ է միակ լիազոր մարմինը՝ ամփոփող իր մեջ Հայաստանի Հանրապետության պետական իշխանությունը:

 

Այս օրը կդառնա մեզ համար պատմական և կբանա մի նոր լուսավոր դարաշրջան մեր երիտասարդ պետության կյանքում, ինքնուրույն քաղաքական և տնտեսական զարգացման:

 

Այս օրը կմնա միշտ հիշատակելի և ա՜յն պատճառով, որ առաջին անգամ իրականացած ենք տեսնում մեր նեղ հորիզոնի սահմաններում գեղեցիկ երազանքն ու նվիրական տենչը ինքնորոշման, թեև անհնարին դժվարին պայմաններում:

 

Ենթադրելով, որ մեր երկրի անկախութեան հարցին շատերը ձեզանից լավատեղյակ չեն՝ ես հույժ կարևոր եմ գտնում այս բարձր ժողովին ներկայացնել այն փուլերը, որոնցով անցել է սկզբից մինչեւ իր վերջին ձևակերպումը անկախ պետությունների գաղափարը Անդրկովկասում:

 

Մեր հանրապետությունը, ինչպես և մյուսները, հանդես եկան իբրեւ անկախ պետություններ ա՛յն օրից, երբ Անդրկովկասյան սեյմը [1918թ.] մայիսի 26-ին իրեն հայտարարեց կազմալուծված. վրաց սոցիալ-դեմոկրատ ֆրակցիայի նախաձեռնությամբ և առաջարկությամբ նույն օրն իսկ Վրաստանը հայտարարեց իրեն անկախ:

 

Անդրկովկասի ամբողջությունը փլվելուց հետո մեր երկիրը թողնված էր իր բախտին, ուստի Հայոց ազգային խորհուրդը շտապեց իր վրա վերցնել կառավարության բոլոր ֆունկցիաները:

 

Հենց այդ ժամանակ էր, որ ստացվեց Օսմանյան կառավարության բոլորին հայտնի վերջնագիրը նոր հողային գրավումների մասին և պահանջվում էր պատասխան 48 ժամվա ընթացքում: Գերագույն խորհրդի կողմից անմիջապես առանձին պատվիրակություն ուղարկվեց Բաթում հանձինս Հովհաննես Քաջազնունու, Միքայել Պապաջանյանի և Ալեքսանդր Խատիսյանի՝ տալով նրան արտակարգ լիազորություններ բանակցություններ վարելու թուրք պատվիրակության հետ:

 

Մեր պատվիրակությունը հաջողեցրեց որոշ ուղղումներ մտցնել սահմանների մեջ, բայց և այնպես ստիպված էր ընդունել վերջնագիրը և խաղաղության դաշինք կնքել Վեհիբ փաշայի և Խալիլ բեյի հետ: Այստեղ առաջին անգամ Հայոց ազգային խորհրդի պատգամավորները պաշտոնապես ճանաչվեցին իբրեւ ներկայացուցիչներ անկախ Հայաստանի և ստորագրեցին հունիսի 4-ի դաշինքը [Հայաստանի Հանրապետության և Օսմանյան կայսերական կառավարության Հաշտության և բարեկամության պայմանագիրը, 1918թ.]:

 

Մեր պետության անկախության մասին հայտնի է նույնպես Տաճկաստանի (Թուրքիայի) դաշնակից պետություններին՝ Գերմանիային, Ավստրիային, Բուլղարիային: Պոլսում է մեր երկրորդ պատվիրակությունը, որի մեջ մտնում են Ավետիս Ահարոնյանը, Ալեքսանդր Խատիսյանը և Միքայել Պապաջանյանը, որոնք ուղևորվել են այնտեղ Օսմանյան կառավարության հրավերով, բանակցություններ վարելու Տաճկաստանի և նրա դաշնակից պետությունների հետ:

 

Այսպիսով, բազմակողմանի քննելով մի կողմից երկրի ուժերը և այն հանգամանքները, որոնց մեջ գտնվում է հայ ժողովուրդը, և մյուս կողմից՝ քաղաքական և տնտեսական ստեղծված դրությունը, Հայոց ազգային խորհուրդը սեղմեց իր սիրտը և անողոք գիտակցությամբ որոշեց վերջնականապես ընդունել վերջնագիրը և ճանաչել Հայաստանի անկախությունը՝ իրեն հանձնելով պատմության անաչառ դատաստանին:

 

Այո՛, մեր հանրապետությունը փոքր է ու նեղ սահմաններով, նա զրկվել է իր ամենագնահատելի երկրամասերից ու չի կարող իր մեջ տեղավորել ամբողջ ազգաբնակչությունը և, կարծես թե, պայմաններ չունի անկախ գոյության համար: Բայց ես կարծում եմ, որ երկրի սահմանները քարացած չեն կարող մնալ միշտ. ես հավատում եմ, որ երկրի սահմանները կընդարձակվեն կյանքի երկաթե ուժով, մեր արդար և անվիճելի իրավունքների պաշտպանությամբ գրավված հողամասերի վերաբերմամբ և նոր բարեկամական դաշինքով Տաճկաստանի և նրա դաշնակից պետությունների հետ, որոնց ներկայացուցիչները ներկա են այստեղ: Մենք ընտրել ենք համաձայնության և խաղաղության ուղին, և ուզում եմ հուսալ, որ չենք սխալվում:

 

Մինչ այդ մենք կկատարենք սրբությամբ և անշեղ կերպով մեր այն պարտականությունները, որոնք բխում են խաղաղության դաշինքից: Թողնե՛նք ապագա հեռանկարները, համենայն դեպս, այսօր այստեղ առանց տատանումների և լիակատար վճռականությամբ մենք գցում ենք խարիսխը մեր պետական նավի և դնում ենք հիմքը պետական շենքի՝ ձգտելով միշտ կատարելագործել նրան ի բարօրություն Հայաստանի Հանրապետության բոլոր ազգությունների, իբրեւ զավակների մեկ հարազատ մայր հայրենիքի:

 

Հայտարարում եմ Հայաստանի Խորհրդի նիստը բացված:

Voices from Armenia: Search for a savior

The attached is my Google aided translation of Tatul Hakobyan’s posting on the morning of August 2, 2025, as his early morning contemplation over bitter coffee. The original is attached. Vahe H Apelian

“Fresh thoughts with bitter coffee

The approach of defending the third force and saving the homeland with the help of a third force has existed among Armenians even before Israel Ori.

For Armenians, the third force has mainly been perceived as Russia, which was supposed to come and save us from our neighbors.

How many times we have been deceived is another story, where one should not look for the fault of third countries.

Even today, many Armenians, both in Armenia and outside the borders of our country, continue to perceive Russia as a third force, namely a savior.

There is also the opposite approach: the third force is the collective West, which should save us from Russia.

However, those who consider Russia to be a third force.

a/ They keep their wealth not in Russian rubles and in Russian banks, but in Western currency and in Western banks,

b/ They treat their precious bodies not in Barnaul or Lipetsk, but in Berlin or Los Angeles,

c/ They send their sons who did not serve in the army to study not in Syktyvkar or Yaroslavl, but in Stanford or Yale,

d/ They send their elegant daughters-in-law to give birth not in Vladikavkaz, but in Washington...

In other words, the hearts of these compatriots of ours want Western goods and beneficence, but under the Russian umbrella.

Բնագիրը՝

Թարմ ուղեղով՝ դառը սուրճի հետ

Երրորդ ուժին ապահինելու և երրորդ ուժի օգնությամբ հայրենիքը փրկելու մոտեցումը Իսրայել Օրուց առաջ էլ է եղել հայոց մեջ:

Հայերի համար երրորդ ուժ հիմնականում ընկալվել է Ռուսաստանը, որ պետք է գար և մեզ փրկեր հարևաններից: 

Քանի անգամ ենք մենք խաբվել, այլ պատմություն է, որտեղ պետք չէ փնտրել երրորդ երկրների մեղքը:

Այսօր էլ շատ հայեր՝ լինեն Հայաստանում և մեր երկրի սահմաններից դուրս, շարունակում են Ռուսաստանին ընկալել երրորդ ուժ, այն է՝ փրկիչ:

Կա նաև հակառակ մոտեցումը՝ երրորդ ուժը հավաքական Արևմուտքն է, որ մեզ պետք է փրկի Ռուսաստանից:

Ռուսաստանը երրորդ ուժ համարողները, սակայն.

ա/ իրենց հարստությունը պահում եմ ոչ թե ռուսական ռուբլիներով և ռուսական բանկերում, այլ արևմտյան արժույթով և արևմտյան բանկերում,

բ/ իրենց թանկարժեք մարմինը բժշկում են ոչ թե Բառնաուլում կամ Լիպեցկում, այլ՝ Բեռլինում կամ Լոս Անջելեսում,

գ/ բանակում չծառայած իրենց որդիներին ուսման են ուղարկում ոչ թե Սիկտիվկար կամ Յարոսլավլ, այլ՝ Սթենֆորդ կամ Յեյլ,

դ/ իրենց նրբագեղ հարսներին ծննդաբերության են ուղարկում ոչ թե Վլադիկավկազ, այլ Վաշինգտոն...

Այսինքն, մեր այս հայրենակիցների սիրտն ուզում է արևմտյան բերք ու բարիքը, բայց ռուսական հովանոցի տակ: 

 

Voices from Armenia: What difference does it make .......

The attached is my Google aided translation of Tatul Hakobyan’s posting on the morning of July 31, 2025, as his early morning contemplation over bitter coffee. The original is attached. Vahe H Apelian

«Fresh thoughts over bitter coffee

After finally returning to the village and settling down, I decided to engage in agriculture, along with other endeavors.

For this purpose, I am putting in order the documents of the lands that were privatized during the time of my family, my father. I also want to buy a few hectares of land.

There are many  agriculture related issues, starting from the fact that the village is on the border. There is water shortage. There is no agricultural machinery. There are no labourers. The prices of agricultural products are low, etc....

I have always thought and I still see today that our land demands are for show. We do not cultivate our lands, but we dream of a greater Armenia.

Of course, I am not against Armenia being big, bigger, so big that airplanes are needed to commute between cities and we have numerous airports.

But those wishes and dreams of ours are worthless if we do not cultivate every piece of land that is in our hands today.

And I have also noticed that the farther an Armenian is from Armenia, the more he loves the land, speaks more for the Armenian Cause and dreams of the Great, Wilsonian Armenia .

Vano (Sirageghyan) wrote: If you do not live in Armenia, what difference does it make to you, whether Armenia is big or small?

I don't criticize anyone and I don't have the right to do so when they prefer to live outside Armenia. But I, kind of don't believe a person who lives abroad, in Armenia presents himself as more patriotic than someone living on Armenian soil.

 

Բնագիրը՝

Թարմ ուղեղով՝ դառը սուրճի հետ

Վերջնականապես գյուղ վերադառնալուց և հաստատվելուց հետո որոշել եմ նաև գյուղատնտեսությամբ զբաղվել՝ այլ գործերի կողքին:

Այդ նպատակով՝ մեր ընտանիքի՝ հորս ժամանակ սեփականաշնորհված հողերի թղթերն եմ կարգի բերում, նաև ուզում եմ մի քանի հեկտար հող գնել:

Գյուղատնտեսության մեջ խնդիրները բազմաթիվ են՝ սկսած նրանից, որ սահմանի բերանին է, ջուր չկա, գյուղտեխնիկա չկա, աշխատող չկա, գյուղմթերքի գներն են ցածր և այլն....

Ես միշտ մտածել եմ ու այսօր էլ տեսնում եմ, որ հողային մեր պահանջատիրությունը ցուցադրական է: Մենք մեր հողերը չենք մշակում, բայց երազում ենք ավելի մեծ Հայաստան: 

Անշուշտ, ես էլ դեմ չեմ, որ Հայաստանը լինի մեծ, ավելի մեծ, այնքան մեծ, որ քաղաքների միջև լինեն օդանավեր, ունենք բազմաթիվ օդանավակայաններ:

Բայց մեր այդ ցանկություններն ու երազանքը արժեք չուննն, եթե մենք չենք մշակում ամեն կտոր հողը, որ մեր ձեռքում է այսօր:

Ու նաև նկատել եմ՝ հայ մարդը ինչքան Հայաստանից հեռու է, այնքան շատ է հող սիրում, Հայ դատ խոսում և Մեծ, Վիլսոնայն Հայաստան երազում:

Վանոն է գրել՝ քո համար ինչ տարբերություն՝ Հայաստանը մեծ է կամ փոքր, եթե այդ Հայաստանում չես ապրում:

Ես չեմ քննադատում որևէ մեկին և դրա իրավունքն էլ չունեմ, երբ նա նախընտրում է Հայաստանից դուրս ապրել: Բայց մի տեսակ չեմ հավատում այն մարդուն, ով, ապրելով դրսում, Հայաստանում, հայական հողի վրա ապրողից ավելի հայրենասեր է ներկայանոսւմ: