What Collective Defense? What Security?

This piece is my translation of the article Raffi Doudaklian posted on his Facebook page on November 20, 2018, titled "What Collective Defense? What Security?" - (Ի՞նչ Միացեալ Պաշտպանութիւն, ի՞նչ Անվտանգութիւն) Բնագիրըկ կցուած է։

" It was May 29, 2014, when the President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan departed to Astana, the capital city of Kazakhstan to take part in summit of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). After signing the conditions for membership, Armenia was to become a full-fledged member of EEU as of January 1, 2015. The presidents of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan were naturally attending the summit as well. The proceedings of the summit were being aired in all the membership countries. 

The president of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev, the host of the summit solemnly took the podium. Much like the characteristic sullen and unpleasant faced former Soviet leaders spoke about the EEU for which Armenia had applied for membership and was present to sign accepting the conditions for Armenia’s membership. Nazarbayev suddenly started talking about the conditions for accepting Armenia’s membership, addressing president Serzh Sargsyan. We, said Nazarbayev, have received a letter from the president of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliev. He opposes Armenia joining the EEU with Karabagh. We, continued Nazarbayev saying, cannot accept the presence of Karabagh in the economic union. The precondition for Armenia joining the EEU was clear. Armenia could only join the economic union without Karabagh.

The president of Armenia did not utter a word, in spite of the disgraceful state he was subjected to, especially when Nazarbayev was conveying to him the precondition laid down by Alieve, the president of Azerbaijan (note: Azerbaijan is not a member of EEU). With his own admission, Nazarbayev was stating that he had received a letter from Baku and the message was clear.

President Serzh Sargsyan's displeasure was obvious. But what could he do? By his own admission he had decided Armenia joining EEU the evening before. In a single night he had Armenia join the economic union of tyrannical countries with failed economies.

 What else could he do when he was the one who had presented himself at their door applying for membership, when Armenia as a whole did not back him up? The people did not support him, even it understood and tacitly accepted the president’s sudden decision to join EEU. Thus Serzh Sargsyan let Nazarbayev’s insult go without a response. He uttered not a single word and returned to Armenia subdued where no one was expecting him to justify his stand for everyone seemed to have concluded that Armenia is a week and a poor country and will always remain at the whims of the tyrannical rulers of EEU. Were they not the very same countries that were arming Azerbaijan?

Now let us come to the present days and to the events that took place a few days earlier. This time it was at the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) summit. The same countries have come together. Tajikistan and Uzbekistan have also joined them. The whole world knows that the leaders of these countries are as close to democracy as the moon is to our planet. The main topic of the agenda is the election of the new secretary-general. The former secretary-general Yuri Khachadurov has resigned because he faces grave legal issues in Armenia. The president of Belarus insists that the position of the secretary-general belongs to him, in spite of the fact that Khachadurov’s term extended to 2020. But Nikol Pashinyan opposes him and insists that the position of the secretary-general belongs to Armenia for the next two years. The by-laws are not clear about such succession. Russia remains silent. It might very well be that Russia wants Armenia cornered much like Serzh Sargsyan was four years earlier. The closed-door deliberations take place. According to some sources the deliberations take place in a very tense atmosphere. The sole ruler, the perpetual president of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko wants, at all cost, to snatch the decision to appoint the next secretary-general from Armenia. Pashinyan opposes him and counter offers. A decision is not arrived. Armenia refuses to give in and a consensus is not reached.

CST0 is an intergovernmental military security alliance. Each one of them is responsible for safeguarding the security of its member. If any one of the member countries is attacked, all are expected to join to safeguard the country’s security. Azerbaijan is not a member of CSTO. But lo and behold it is a favorite among some of the organization’s member countries. The day after the closed-door meeting, Belarus’s perpetual president invited the Ambassador of Azerbaijan in Minsk and conveyed to him the deliberations of the closed-door meeting. At least that is what the television and other news outlets of Belarus report. 

Consequently, in plain daylight, the closed-door deliberations of the CSTO’s member countries are conveyed to a country that is an enemy of a member country. Pashinyan, in no uncertain term, condemned the conveying of the behind-door deliberations of the member countries to the ambassador of Azerbaijan and tells the members that no one henceforth has the right to treat Armenia in such a manner. The spokesperson of Belarus responded in a diplomatically uncalled manner. It is clear. Lukasheno’s ally is not the organization member Armenia. It is Azerbaijan. So is Khazakhstan’s. 

This is how the “allies” of Armenia, Belarus and Khazakhstan, are. Four years ago it was Khazakhstan that dictated Armenia the conditions for its membership preconditioning it with the exclusion of Karabagh. Nowadays the president of an allied country conveys the behind the door deliberations of the member countries to Azerbaijan that is at war with a member country, Armenia. 

These are no new revelations here. It was well known that EEU and CSTO are nothing else but agents on the world scene that serve Russia’s historical imperial mindedness. The countries that make up these two organizations do not have a common political mission. They do not have the same security goals. They do not even have a common economic vision. The saddest reality is that Armenia has been forced to become members to these organizations, made up of tyrannical rulers, at the expense of its own interests accepting the sale to Azerbaijan weapons of mass destruction and public humiliation. 

Unfortunately the previous rulers of Armenia saw that the interest of Armenia is better served by serving the interests of their “allied” countries. They considered it to be a sound diplomacy arguing to us that the interests of Armenia are nowhere else other than subjugating ourselves to the conditions imposed upon us.

Before seeing the salvation of Armenia in EEU and CSTO alliances, it behooves us to ask how have the member countries accepted and viewed Armenia? Have they forcefully condemned Azerbaijan for continually attacking Armenian border village? Have they ceased arming Azerbaijan with weapons of mass destruction? Have they respected the right of people of Arstakh for self-determination? Have they taken into consideration Armenia’s unique geography and its special trade needs with neighboring countries?  What we have witnessed in the behaviors of Lukashenka and Nazar prove the contrary.

Consequently, of what grand diplomacy are we talking about? Is demanding a country’s right to exist a grand diplomacy? It is time that these countries treat Armenia as an ally of equal footing. From this standpoint Pashinyan is right when he squarely confronts president of Belarus serenading Azerbaijan and demands explanation. He should demand explanation because that is what, first and foremost, the interests of Armenia dictate. Otherwise Armenia’s membership to EEU and CSTO makes no sense.

Raffi Doudaklian "

                                            **********

Ի՞ՆՉ ՄԻԱՑԵԱԼ ՊԱՇՏՊԱՆՈՒԹԻՒՆ, Ի՞ՆՉ ԱՆՎՏԱՆԳՈՒԹԻՒՆ

Մայիս 29, 2014-ին էր. Հայաստանի նախագահ Սերժ Սարգսեանը Ղազախստանի մայրաքաղաք Աստանա մեկնած էր, մասնակցելու՝ մաքսային միութեան անդամ երկիրներու գագաթաժողովին: Հայաստանը, միութեան պայմանագիրը ստորագրելէ ետք, 1 Յունուար, 2015-էն սկսեալ պիտի դառնար մաքսային միութեան անդամ: Գագաթաժողովին ներկայ էին բնականաբար Ռուսաստանի, Բելառուսի, Ղազախստանի եւ Կիրքիզիստանի նախագահները: Ժողովը կը սփռուէր կենդանի՝ միութեան անդամ բոլոր երկիրներուն մէջ:

Ղազախստանի նախագահ Նուրսուլթան Նազարբաեւը, գագաթաժողովի հիւրընկալը, հանդիսաւոր կերպով բեմ բարձրացաւ: Նախկին սովետի երկիրներու ղեկավարներուն յատուկ խոժոռ եւ անհաղորդ դէմքով խօսեցաւ Մաքսային Միութեան մասին, միութիւն մը, որուն անդամակցելու յայտ ներկայացուցած էր Հայաստանը եւ պիտի ստորագրէր համապատասխան պայմանագիրը: Նազարբաեւը յանկարծ սկսաւ արտայայտուիլ Հայաստանի միութեան միանալու պայմաններուն մասին, խօսքը ուղղելով նախագահ Սերժ Սարգսեանի: Մենք, ըսաւ Նազարբաեւ, նամակ ստացած ենք Ադրբեջանի նախագահ Իլհամ Ալիեւէն: Ան դէմ է, որ Հայաստանը Եւրասիական տնտեսական միութեան միանայ Ղարաբաղի հետ միասին: Մենք չենք կրնար ընդունիլ Ղարաբաղի ներկայութիւնը միութենէն ներս: Նախապայմանը յստակ է, Հայաստանը միութեան կրնայ միանալ միայն առանց Ղարաբաղի:

Հայաստանի նախագահը ձայն ու ծպտուն չհանեց, հակառակ ստեղծուած խայտառակ վիճակին, մանաւանդ երբ Նազարբաեւը կը փոխանցէր Ադրբեջանի՛ նախագահին նախապայմանը, ի՛ր իսկ խոստովանութեամբ: Նամակ ստացած էր Բաքուէն եւ պատգամը յստակ էր...

Բացայայտ էր, սակայն, Սերժ Սարգսեանի վրդովմունքը, բայց ի՞նչ կրնար ընել ղեկավար մը, որ իր իսկ խոստովանութեամբ, մէկ գիշերուան մէջ որոշած էր Հայաստանը միացնել սովորական բռնատէրեր եւ անյաջող տնտեսութիւններ ունեցող երկիրներու մաքսային միութեան: Ի՞նչ կրնար, երբ այնտեղ էր ինք, խումբ մը բռնատէրերու ակումբին դրան առջեւ կանգնած, անդամակցութեան խնդրագիրը ձեռքը տրուած: Այնտեղ էր ներկայացնելու երկիր մը ու ժողովուրդ մը ամբողջ, բայց ժողովուրդը իր հետ չէր, իր կողքին չէր, իրեն նեցուկ չէր, նոյնիսկ եթէ հասկացողութեամբ կ'ընդունէր մաքսային միութեան միանալու անակնկալ որոշումը: Եւ այսպէս, Սերժ Սարգսեանը կուլ տուաւ Նազարբաեւի անարգանքը: Ոչ մէկ բառ արտասանեց եւ լուռ ու մունջ վերադարձաւ Հայաստան, ուր արդէն ոչ ոք կը սպասէր իր արդարացումներուն, քանի որ արդէն բոլորն ալ սկսած էին համոզուիլ, որ խեղճ ու թոյլ, անտէր ու անտիրական է Հայաստանը եւ միշտ ալ կախեալ պիտի մնայ Եւրասիական մաքսային միութեան բռնատէրերու ողորմութենէն: Չէ՞ որ նոյն այդ երկիրներն էին նաեւ Ադրբեջանը զինողները...

Հիմա վերադառնանք մեր օրերուն, մի քանի օր առաջ տեղի ունեցած դէպքերուն: Այս անգամ Հաւաքական Անվտանգութեան Պայմանագրի Կազմակերպութեան (ՀԱՊԿ) գաղգաթնաժողովն է, Հաւաքուած են նոյն երկիրները, Տաճիկիստանն ու Ուզբեկիստանը նաեւ: Բոլոր երկիրները՝ բացի Հայաստանէն, մենատիրական-դիկտատորական երկիրներ են: Ամբողջ աշխարհը գիտէ, որ այս ղեկավարները ժողովրդավարութեան մօտ են այնքան, որքան լուսինը՝ մեր մոլորակին: Օրակարգի գլխաւոր թեմաներէն մէկը՝ ՀԱՊԿ-ի գլխաւոր քարտուղարի ընտրութիւնն է: Նախկին գլխաւոր քարտուղարը՝ Խաչատուրովը, պաշտօնէն հրաժարած էր, որովհետեւ դատական շատ լուրջ խնդիրներ ունի Հայաստանի մէջ: Իսկ հիմա՝ Բելառուսի նախագահը կը պնդէ, որ նոր Ընդհանուր Քարտուղար ունենալու իրաւունքը իրն է, հակառակ անոր, որ Խաչատուրով պիտի պաշտօնավարէր մինչեւ 2020: Բայց Նիկոլ Փաշինեան կը հակառակի Բելառուսին եւ կը շեշտէ, որ յառաջիկայ երկու տարիներուն ընդհանուր քարտուղարութիւնը Հայաստանին պիտի մնայ: Իսկ օրէնսդրութիւնը յստակ չէ, Ռուսաստանը լուռ է, հաւանաբար կ'ուզէ Հայաստանը անկիւն հրուած տեսնել, ինչպէս որ ըրաւ Սերժ Սարգսեանին՝ 4 տարի առաջ: Կը սկսի դռնփակ նիստը, որ ըստ մամուլին սպրդած որոշ տեղեկութիւններու, կ'ընթանայ բաւական լարուած մթնոլորտի մէջ: Բելառուսի մենատէրը, յաւերժ նախագահ Ալեքսանդր Լուկաշէնկոն ամէն գնով կ'ուզէ Հայաստանէն խլել ընդհանուր քարտուղար նշանակելու իրաւունքը: Փաշինեան կ'ընդիմանայ ու կը հակադարձէ: Որոշում չի կայացուիր, քանի որ Հայաստան կը մերժէ տեղի տալ եւ համախոհութիւն տեղի չունենար:

ՀԱՊԿ-ը հաւաքական պաշտպանութեան դաշինք է: Բոլորը պատասխանատու են իրենց անդամներու պաշտպանութեան: Եթէ մէկ երկիր ենթարկուի յարձակման, բոլորը պարտաւոր են միանալու այդ երկրի պաշտպանութեան: ՀԱՊԿ-ի անդամ չէ Ադրբեջանը: Բայց եկուր տես, որ ՀԱՊԿ-ի որոշ անդամներու սիրելին է: Բելառուսի յաւերժ նախագահը գագաթժողովի յաջորդ օրն իսկ հանդիպման կը հրաւիրէ Մինսկի մէջ Ադրբեջանի դեսպանը եւ տեղեկութիւններ կը փոխանցէ ՀԱՊԿ-ի դռնփակ նիստին մասին: Գոնէ այդպէս կը հաղորդեն Բելառուսի հեռուստացոյցն ու միւս լրատուամիջոցները:

Ուրեմն, օր ցերեկով, դաշնակից երկիրներու փակ նիստի տեղեկութիւնները կը փոխանցուի ՀԱՊԿ-ի անդամ երկրի մը թշնամին հանդիսացող պետութեան ներկայացուցիչին: Փաշինեան խստօրէն կը դատապարտէ, ու կը յիշեցնէ, որ այլեւս ոչ ոք իրաւունք ունի Հայաստանին հետ այդպէս վարուելու, իսկ Բելառուսի բանբերը կը պատասխանէ դիւանագիտական շատ անպատշաճ լեզուով: Պարզ է՝ Լուկաշէնկոյի դաշնակիցը ՀԱՊԿ-ի իր գործընկեր Հայաստանը չէ, Ադրբեջանն է: Նոյնպէս եւ Ղազախստանինը:

Այսպէս են Հայաստանի «դաշնակիցները», Բելառուսն ու Ղազախստանը: 4 տարի առաջ Ղազախստանն էր, որ մաքսային միութեան Հայաստանի անդամակցութիւնը կը պայմանաւորէր Արցախի դուրս-մղումով, իսկ այսօր՝ Հայաստանի հետ հաւաքական պաշտպանութեան դաշինք կնքած երկրի նախագահը՝ Հայաստանի հետ պատերազմի մէջ գտնուող երկրին տեղեկութիւններ կը փոխանցէ ՀԱՊԿ-ի փակ նիստին մասին:

Նորութիւն չէ, վաղուց արդէն յայտնի էր, որ թէ՛ մաքսային միութիւնը կամ Եւրասիական Տնտեսական Միութիւնը (ԵԱՏՄ) եւ թէ՛ ՀԱՊԿ-ը այլ բան չեն, քան միջազգային բեմին վրայ նախկին կայսերական դիրքերուն վերատիրանալու ռուսական նկրտումներուն ծառայող գործիքներ: Այնտեղ հաւաքուած երկիրները չունին քաղաքական միացեալ օրակարգ, չունին պաշտպանական միեւնոյն նպատակներ, չունին նոյնիսկ տնտեսական միասնական քաղաքականութիւն ու զարգացման տեսլական: Իսկ ամէնէն ցաւալին այն է, որ Հայաստանը մինչեւ վերջերս մենատիրական երկիրներու այս ակումբներուն մէջ շարունակաբար գտնուած էր սեփական շահերը զիջելու պարտադրանքին տակ՝ ընդունելով Ադրբեջանի համատարած քանդումի զէնքերու վաճառքը, դաշնակիցներու ճնշումները եւ հանրային արհամարական վերաբերմունքը: Դժբախտաբար, մեր երկրի նախկին իշխանաւորները, Հայաստանի շահերու պաշտպանութիւնը տեսած էին գլխաւորաբար «դաշնակից» երկիրներուն շահերուն սպասարկելու մէջ եւ սա համարած էին ու կը համարեն հասուն դիւանագիտութիւն, մեր բոլորին համոզելով, որ Հայաստանի շահերը այլ տեղ չեն գտնուիր, պէտք է ենթարկուիլ մեզի պարտադրուած պայմաններուն:

Բայց նախքան ՀԱՊԿ-ի եւ ԵԱՏՄԻ-ի մէջ Հայաստանի փրկութիւնն ու քաղաքական-տնտեսական շահը տեսնելը, արժէ նախ տեսնել, թէ այդ կազմակերպութիւններուն անդամները ինչպէ՞ս ընդունած են եւ կ'ընդունին Հայաստանը: Խստօրէն դատապարտա՞ծ են անոնք Հայաստանի սահմանային գիւղերուն վրայ ադրբեջանական յարձակումները, դադրեցուցա՞ծ են Ադրբեջանին մասսայական քանդումի զէնքերու մատակարարումը, յարգա՞ծ են Արցախի ժողովուրդին ինքնորոշման իրաւունքը, նկատի առա՞ծ են Հայաստանի աշխարհագրական իւրայատուկ դիրքը եւ տնտեսական իւրայատուկ յարաբերութիւններու անհրաժեշտութիւնը... Այն, ինչ որ տեսած ենք Նազարբաեւի եւ Լուկաշէնկոյի վերաբերմունքին մէջ, պարզապէս հակառակը կը փաստեն:

Ուրեմն ի՞նչ դիւանագիտութեան մասին է խօսքը: Երկրի մը գոյութեան իրաւունքը ընդունիլ տալը դիւանագիտական նուաճու՞մ է: Ժամանակն է, արդէն, որ այս երկիրները Հայաստանին վերաբերին հաւասարէ հաւասար, իբրեւ իսկական դաշնակիցներ: Եւ այս իմաստով շատ ճիշդ կ'ընէ Նիկոլ Փաշինեանը, երբ յստակօրէն կը հակադրուի Բելառուսի նախագահին եւ Ադրբեջանի հետ իր սիրաբանութեան համար հաշիւ կը պահանջէ: Ու պէ՛տք է պահանջէ, քանի որ այդպէս կը պահանջեն նախ եւ առաջ Հայաստանի՛ շահերը: Այլապէս, ոչ մէկ իմաստ ունի ՀԱՊԿ-ին կամ ԵԱՏՄ-ին Հայաստանի անդամակցութիւնը:

Րաֆֆի Տուտագլեան

Why the Armenian National Assembly Number Varies ?

Vahe H. Apelian

 

Does the PM of Armenia govern the country with an unchecked authority? 

By law the Armenian National Assembly will have a minimum of 101 seats and an additional 4 seats allocated to the minorities, totaling 105 seats. It also stipulated by law that 1/3 of the National Assembly should comprise the opposition. Hence of that minimum 105 seats, 35 seats should be allocated to the opposition and 70 to the leading party or coalition. 

 But it has been reported that the upcoming National Assembly will number 132.  

How did this number of seats come about, the the number of delegates in the NA under PM Sargsyan short premiership was 105?

Thanks to my friend, I have come to understand the following plausible explanation. Please follow the rest of the text.

To have representatives in the National Assembly, a party should secure at least 5% of the votes cast and a coalition should secure at least 7% of the votes cast. Remember, according to the parliamentarian system of governance Armenia adopted, the voters vote for a party, not for a specific candidate. Obviously the prominent and the more visible from each party and coalitions run the campaign. Nikol Pashinyan ran the campaign on behalf of the My Step coalition. 

The election results indicated that only 3 of the eleven total numbers of parties and coalitions who participated in the election met the criteria and they will constitute the upcoming National Assembly. They were as follows and secured the following percentages of the votes cast:

My Step coalition secured 70.43% of the votes.

Prosperous Armenia party secured 8.27% of the votes

Bright Armenia party secured 6.37% of the votes.

Now

If we were to gauge the percentage secured by each of the three entities (70.43% + 8.27% + 6.37% = 85.07%), we come with the following figures:

My Step coalition represents (70.43/85.07)*100 = 82.79% of the upcoming National Assembly.

Prosperous Armenia party represents (8.27/85.07)*100 = 9.72% of the upcoming National Assembly

Bright Armenia party represents (6.37/85.07)*100 = 7.48 % of upcoming the National Assembly

Since the National Assembly should have a minimum of 101 seats, then each entity secured the following number of the seats in the National Assembly

My Step coalition secured at least (101*82.79%) = 84 seats

Prosperous Armenia party secured at least = 10 seat

Bright Armenia party secured at least = 8 seats

Totaling 102 seats

It appears that My Step will also acquire the 4 seats reserved for the minorities; hence My Step coalition will have 88 seats. 

But by law, the 88 seats should represent 2/3 of the National Assembly, the 1/3 being reserved for the opposition. Hence the National Assembly should total 132 seats. That is to say 88 of the administration and 44 seats for the opposition.

The remaining seats (44 seats – 10 seats (Prosperous Armenia) – 8 seats (Bright Armenia) = 26 seats will be allocated to the Prosperous Armenia and Bright Armenia parties in the same ratio they occupy now, that is to say 10:8 ratio. Consequently, 14 seats most likely will be allocated to Prosperous Armenia and 12 seats will most likely be allocated to Bright Armenia, making the final likely make up the National Assembly as follows:

My Step coalition will have 88 seats.

Prosperous Armenia will have 24 seats.

 Bright Armenia will have 20 seats.

Totaling 132 seats in all in National Assembly.

Quoting Wikipedia: “The National Assembly is a unicameral body. The National Assembly consists of at least 101 seats, but with additional seats allocated, it may grow and reach to about 200 seats in extremely rare cases.” The system caters to the constitutional mandate of 1/3 opposition and naturally honors the percentage of votes cast in favor of a party or coalition. To complicate matters 1/3 of the delegates should be women.

Therefore, it remains to be seen how many will be in the post June 20, 2021 National Assembly and how many of them will be women. No easy matters when it comes to Armenia!

updated on 7/7/2021

 

 

 

 

 

Moneyed Armenians: Amiras and Effendis (2/2)

Part 2/2: Chalabis, Khojas, Amiras and Effendis

by Dr. Antranig Chalabian

Translated and abridged by Vahe H. Apelian

An Armenian Amira in the Ottoman Empire

3. Amiras

Before I present the Armenian Amiras and then the Effendis it's important that I digress from the subject matter and present a glimpse of Bolis, the Armenian Constantinople of the era. At the beginning of the 1800s, Bolis had 850,000 inhabitants of whom 374,000 were Muslims; 152,000 Creeks; 150,000 Armenians and 44,000 Jews. The remaining 80,000 were Europeans, Copts, Assyrians, and others.

In 1850's Bolis had become the financial, the political and the cultural center of the Western Armenians. The community was continuing to swell in numbers at the expense of the Armenian populated cities in Eastern Turkey. Everyone wanted to settle in Bolis. It should be noted, however, that a good segment of the Armenians who came to Bolis were migrant workers who would work, at times for years, to save money and return to their villages and homes.

The number of Armenians in Bolis between 1860-1880, had peaked to an all-time high estimated to be around 275,000. Bolis was unsurpassed among the Armenians worldwide, including Armenia. In 1859 there were 42 Armenian schools in Bolis with a total enrollment of 5531 students and 197 teachers. In 1871 the numbers were swelled to 48 schools with an enrollment of around 6000 students. The cultural and scholastic revival among the Armenians in Bolis may be better appreciated in stating that the famed American University of Beirut was established later, in 1886, and until 1945 had only 500 students; while in Yerevan the Eastern Armenians numbered 13,000 and were a minority overwhelmed by the presence of 17,000 Tatars. Most of the Eastern Armenians in the region lived in Tiflis and Baku.

The unprecedented cultural revival among the Armenians in Turkey was cut short from 1876 and onwards for reasons we all know too well.

During this time trade in Constantinople was in the hands of Greeks and Armenians. For many years the pulse of Ottoman royalty was in Armenian hands and its distinguished denizens were titled "Amira". The word is Arabic in origin and was bestowed upon the wealthy and influential Armenian subjects of the Ottoman Empire. A disproportionate number of the Amiras, whose number ranged between 80 to 100 individuals, came from modest provincial backgrounds notably good many of them hailed from the small town of Agn (today's Kemaliye) in Anatolia's Erzincan province. They were a remarkable group of enterprising and ambitious Armenians who rose to the forefront of the Ottoman Empire in the 18th, and 19th centuries. At times, the succeeding generations of the same Amira family served the reigning Sultans faithfully and accomplished great things. They also became enormously influential in running the affairs of the Armenian community and became the link between the Sultan's palace and the Armenian Patriarch who had legal jurisdiction over the entire Armenian subjects of the Sultan.

Some of the Amiras were also put in charge of tax collection in the empire. Up to 1856, there was no banking system in the Empire. The Amiras filled in the void and made financial transactions with traders, trading houses, government offices and even with the reigning Sultans at exuberant rates. In 1795, the head of the Dadian family, Arakel Dad Amira, was appointed to oversee the armament factories of the Empire. From that date on for the next 75 years, the descendants inherited the position and ran the Ottoman munitions and artillery along with the production of paper and military uniforms. The members of the family thus exercised enormous influence given the size of the Empire and its armed forces.

In the first half of the 19th century, one of the Armenian titans in Bolis was Harutyun Amira Bezdjian who was nicknamed "Kazaz Artin". He became a confidant of Sultan Mahmud II and was trusted with handling the personal wealth of the Sultan. His influence on running the affairs of the Empire was so strong that historians would call the era as the "Bezdjian Era".

Through Harutyun Amira Bezdjian's financial contributions the following institutions were built in Bolis: the new building of the Bolis Patriarchate in 1823; Sourp Prgitch (Saint Savior) Armenian National Hospital in 1832; The women's school of Peria in 1826; the central school of Kumkapi in 1828; Saint Arakelots (Holy Disciples) Armenian school in 1830; Boghossian Boys' School in 1832; Varvarian Women's School in 1832; Bezdjian School in Kumkapi in 1832; Ayoubian Co-Ed School in 1832; a total seven schools and three major institutions. In 1836 he established the first trade – tailoring- school for the Armenian women of Bolis. Along with these monumental charitable contributions, he also undertook the expenses for the publication of many literary works, especially that of Krikor Pashdimaljian, the noted Armenian pedagogue, linguist, and philosopher. Harutyun Amira Bezdjian was buried in the Virgin Mary Patriarch Cathedral by the special permission of Mahmud II.

Limited space does not allow us to elaborate more on the amazing accomplishments of other Amiras such as the Balians, who became court architects and built such masterpieces as the Dolmabahçe Palace, the Yildiz Mosque, and the Imperial College of Medicine, which today houses the famed Galatasaray Lisesi. The Arpiarian Amira family clan, who also hailed from Agn, oversaw the silver mining in the Ottoman Empire.

For some two hundred years the Amiras served the Sultans faithfully and were accorded privileges no others possessed in the Empire.

4. Effendis

Let me end this article with a few words about the Armenian Effendis who succeeded the Amrias of Bolis. According to Wikipedia "Effendi is a title of nobility meaning a lord or master. It is a title of respect or courtesy, equivalent to the English Sir, which was used in the Ottoman Empire (Turkey)."

In 1856 Sultan Adul Majid established banking in the Empire that came to be known as the Ottoman Bank. With this historic turn of events, the Sultan, the courtiers, the governors of the provinces and others started borrowing their monies from the Ottoman Bank instead of from the Amiras. With the establishment of the Ottoman Bank, the fortunes of the Amiras started dwindling and their influence eroding in the capital city. Along with the banking system came the various ministries that regulated finance, military, internal and external affairs. This gave rise to a cadre of government officials and to traders who were called Effendis. Some would also acquire considerable wealth and secure influential positions for themselves.

The Armenian traders, following the footsteps of the Khojas, would import scarves, spices, jewelry from India; clothing from Iran and muslin from Damascus. Other Armenian traders would import goods from England, France, Germany, Italy, and Venice. By 1861 the number of the Armenian traders in Manchester, England had reached 30. Within the next two years, the number of Armenian traders will increase further with the arrival of new Armenian traders from Istanbul, Izmir, Kayseri.

By the middle of the 19th century, there were 434 Armenian Effendis in Istanbul who were traders or high placed government officials. Among such officials is Gabriel Effendi Noradoungian. He was born in 1852. After attending local Armenian and French schools he went to France where from 1870-1875 he specialized in international law. Returning to Istanbul in 1875 he entered the Foreign Ministry. He was appointed as the Foreign Minister of the Ottoman Empire in 1912. His tenure ended with the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1913.

After Noubar Pasha, Gabriel Noradoungian headed the Armenian National Delegation to the Paris Peace Conference. He spent the last few years of his life in Paris where he passed away in 1926.

Dr. Nazareth Daghavarian was a contemporary to Noradoungian and another Armenian social activist. He received his medical education from the famed Sorbonne University and Pasteur Institute. After which he returned to Istanbul and started working in the French St. Savoir hospital. The Turkish authorities arrested him on the allegations that he was involved in anti-state activities.  He was released by the mediation of the French Embassy. After sending his wife and children to Bulgaria, he managed to elude the authorities by disguising himself as a French Embassy employee and boarded a Greek ship to Marseille. From there he moved to Cairo with his family where he resumed his medical practice. In 1906 he and Boghos Noubar Pasha, along with several others, established the Armenian General Benevolent Union with Boghos Noubar Pasha acting the president and him as the secretary of the newly found organization.

Two years later, after the revolution of the Young Turks, trusting the new Turkish order, he returned to Istanbul with his family.  The rest is another tragic chapter in Armenian history...

In summing up this section of the article, I can without any hesitation conclude that the Bolis of the 19thcentury, with its unprecedented achievements in finance, education, literature popularizing the Western Armenian language, presents one of the most shining periods of our three millennia-old histories.

Moneyed Armenians: Chalabis, Khojas, Amiras and Effendis (Part 1 of 2)

Part 1/2: Chalabis and Khojas

Dr. Antranig Chalabian

Translated and abridged by Vahe H. Apelian

By the 17th century, not much was left from the old Armenian nobility; they were Amadounis, Arshagounis, Artzrounis, Broshians, Gamsaragans, Hassan-Jalalians, Mamikonians, Orpelians, Pakradounis, Rshdounis, Saharounis, Vahramians, Zakarians and other noble houses. During the 17th century new upper classes appeared among the Armenians; the Chalabis mostly in Constantinople and the Khojas in Old and New Julfas and their regions.

1. Chalabis

Even during the early days of the Ottoman Empire, in the 13^thcentury, the Armenian feudal families saw that they were losing ground by the usurpation of their lands. They began trusting more in the mobility of monetary wealth. Over a period of time some of them, through the wealth they accumulated, were able to secure for themselves high positions within the Ottoman royalty. They were called the Chalabis.

In Constantinople the primary occupation of the Armenians who attained that honorific title was money exchange. The Chalabis, wrote Hagop S. Anasian “overwhelmingly were devoted to banking transactions, servicing the members of the Ottoman court”. The Chalabis at times were also involved in large-scale trade. However, even for those involved in trade, it was not their main occupation. “We will not be mistaken”, continues Anasian, “if we claim that the Armenian Chalabis of the 17^th century became the predecessors of the Armenian Amiras in Constantinople in the coming centuries.”

The Armenian Chalabis, having deeply rooted in banking and money exchange, cultivated the mannerism of upper cast nobles and became fiercely conservative when it came to the social changes affecting the western Armenians.

Among the known Armenian Chalabis were the following: Maghakia and Iskendar Chalabis from Ameda or Dikgranagerd (the Armenian Diarbekir), Sanos Chalabi from Aleppo, Andon and Abro Chalabis from Bursa, Shahen Chalabi from Drabezon and Yeremia Chalabi Keumurdjian. The latter was born in Constantinople in 1637. He mastered Turkish, Greek, Latin and other European languages. He served as the secretary of two Patriarchs, Yeghiazar I (1651-1652) known as Yeghiazar of Aintab (ԵղիազարԱյնթապցի) and Mardiros II (1659-1660) known as Mardiros of Kefez (Մարտիրոս Բ Քեֆեցի). He was also the tutor of the wealthy Abro Chalabi’s children.

Yeremia Chalabi Keumurdjian authored historical works, poems, essays, and translations. Father Nerses Aginian, of the Mekhitarian Order, wrote extensively about him in 1930’s. In 1952, Hrant Der Antreasian translated into Turkish Yeremia Chalabi’s three volumes historical book about the history of Constantinople. The eminent Hagop Martayan wrote praising that he was a beacon of light in the prevalent darkness of his time.

The Chalabis exercised great influence especially in Bolis, the capital city that was the nerve center of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. Because of their ties with the court and the influence they had there, they practically had the affairs of the Armenian Millet run at their discretion.

From the beginning of the 18^th century and for the next 100 years the running of the Ottoman mint was the monopoly of the great Duzian family who were Chalabis themselves. The Duzian Chalabis minted the Empire’s gold and silver monies. The members of the family were also the jewelers of the court.  They were immensely wealthy.

During the 19^th century Sarkis Chalabi Duz was one of the most noted member of the family. During the reign of Sultan Mahmud the Second, 1808-1839, Haled Effendi, a high placed official in the court envied the trust the Sultan had towards the members of the Christian Duzian family. With an Armenian accomplice who was an employee and a confidant of the Duzian family, Haled Effendi started spreading unfounded rumors that the Duzian family members plan to flee the country taking with them royal treasury or using their immense wealth and ties they intend to conspire with the Janissaries to have them rise against the Sultan himself. These rumors had their intended effects.

On the night of October 16, 1819, Sultan Mahmud had the Duzian palace surrounded and had all the members of the Duzian family apprehended. Two brothers were beheaded in front of the royal court and the other two brothers were hanged publicly. All that the Duzian family owned was confiscated and put at the disposal of the Sultan.

After the demise of the family the Armenian accomplice of this treason was elevated to high position within the court. Who was he who helped orchestrate the destruction of the Duzian dynasty? “It's better that his name be lost forever in the dark pages of history”, says the Mekhitarist Father Sahag Der Movsesian.

2. Khojas

On June 6, 1064, Alp Arslan ransacked Ani, the capital city of the Pakradouni dynasty. Most of the survivors fled to Crimea, Poland and elsewhere.

Some of the survivors of the devastation preferred to flee southbound and following the Akhourian River reached the southern end of Nakhijevan along the border of Persia, on the northern bank of the Arax River. That desolate area, cut off from the rest of the world, offered them a safe haven. The town they formed there came to be called Jugha.

The new inhabitants of Jugha were mostly artisans and traders. There was not enough fertile soil among the large boulders to sustain an economy based on agriculture.  To make a living they became peddlers buying good from the shops in Nachijevan and transporting them on the back of their donkeys, roaming from village to another to sell the goods. Over the years they expanded their trade forming caravan routes transporting goods to the Caucasus and by the 16^thcentury the enterprising Khojas of Jugha were trading in the far east in India and beyond, and in the west they had established trading houses in Venice and Italy and as far north as in Holland.

Khoja is a Persian word and it means master or lord. It is bestowed upon persons of wealth. In Persia large land holders and traders carried the title. The same title was also used in Turkey.

Five hundred and forty years after the ransack of Ani, in 1604, when the inhabitants of Jugha welcomed the Persian Shah Abbas the Great, the thriving town had already around 2000 households and seven splendid churches. The Khojas of Jugha, headed by Khoja Khachig, bribed the local warlords to secure their trading. These warlords would fill their pockets and would let the Khojas continue on with their trades.

After their forced deportation by Shah Abbas into the interior of Persia, in the southern part of Isfahan, they formed a new settlement calling it New Jugha^. By forcing the relocation of the inhabitants of Jugha to the interior of Iran, Shah Abbas wanted to expand Iran’s trade to the far reaches of the world. The Persians produced silk and other goods but they did not have the means and the connections to have their products sold in foreign markets.

The New Jugha prospered incredibly fast thanks also to monetary assistance by Shah Abbas. It soon overshadowed the fame the old Jugha had mustered after centuries of experience in trade. The Khojas of New Jugha, headed by Khoja Nazar, with the ships they owned, not only sailed to Bombay and Madras in India, but also to Java and the Philippine Islands in the East, and in the West they established trading centers in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden, Poland and Russia as well.

The Khojas of New Jugha took their sons to Holland for education. Some of them studied art and painted the churches of New Jugha. Over the years the Armenian community in Amsterdam swelled and prospered. It was there that the first Armenian bible was printed in 1666.

The French merchant and traveler Jean-Bapstise Tavernier noted:  “These people (khojas) in a short span of time became so proficient that they initiated trade reaching as far as Tonkin, Java and Philippines.” Continuing his observations of the Armenian merchants, Tavernier wrote that the Armenians “have a knack for trade because they economize and are abstinent. I do not know if that is a virtue or a vice. When they, the Armenian khojas, are engaged in long lasting travels they carry with them dry food. Whenever they travel through mountainous region and come across a cheap goat or sheep, they purchase it. They also carry hooks with them to fish whenever they travel along riverbanks. When they reach a town they rent an empty room and five or six of them sleep in the same room, each of them carrying with them their own bedding and kitchen utensils.”

In 1667 the Khojas of New Jugha secured from Tsar Alexey Mikhalovitc the monopoly of importing silk without custom duties for selling in Russia. Until the end of the 17^thcentury the Armenian merchants had permission to trade in Russia from Astrakhan in the south to far north.

Whenever the Khojas went to Moscow they would lavish gifts on the Tsar. On one occasion Khoja Nazar gifted Tsar Alexey a diamond laden crown that is kept to this day in the military history museum of Kremlin. The Armenian Khojas competed with English and European companies. The Armenian trade was family based. They did not have companies. Khoja Shahamir Shahamirian, for example, had settled from Nor Jugha into the Indian city Madras. From there he had trading centers in Persia, Mesopotamia and in European cities. Shah Abbas was so pleased with the enterprising Armenians that he would visit an Armenian church during Easter and would be hosted by the Khojas.

It is said that the Khojas of New Jugha had 24 churches erected of which 12 stand to this day. Khoja Khachig, who had hosted Shah Abbas in 1604 in the old Jugha, had financed the construction of one of the churches.

The prosperity of the New Jugha hardly lasted a century.  By the end of the 17th century the policies of the Persian shahs and Ayatollahs towards their Christian Armenian subjects changed altogether giving way to persecution and high taxes. A great number of Armenians emigrated to Bombay, Madras, Calcutta in India where they thrived much like they had in the Old and New Jugha. Others emigrated to Moscow, St. Petersburg where they inducted the local merchants into the silk trade.

In 1740 one of the former princes of New Jugha, Khoja Aghazar Lazarian, sent his son to Moscow. Shortly after, the rest of the family joined and settled in Moscow along with their other three sons. They established a silk factory.  In 1815 one of Aghazar’s sons established the Lazarian High School that later became Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages.  The building of the former institute nowadays houses the Embassy of Armenia in Moscow.

The Armenians from Jugha in India traded in silk, gold and diamond and became enormously wealthy. At the beginning not only they did not have any conflict with the mighty East India Company, but collaborated with its principals. Later on as the Armenian Khojas prospered enormously, a conflict started between them. The East India Company had received a royal charter from Queen Elizabeth in 1600, therefore it had the backing of the British Empire. With the support of the British Empire it defeated its rivals, including the Armenian Khojas, monopolizing trade to and from India.

In order to find new trading grounds the Armenian Khojas spread to Dekka, Bangladesh; Rangoon, Burma; Singapore, Malaysia; Jakarta, Indonesia; Chinghai, China and to Harbin, Manchuria where they prospered, had beautiful churches constructed and faded away.

Presently not a trace has remained of the Armenian Chalabis in the Asia Minor. Other than the Armenian cemetery that contains some ten thousand funerary monuments, not much is left of the Old Jugha, the birthplace of the Khojas. The New Jugha is still populated by few thousands of Armenians.

The Far East and the Pacific Ocean Armenian communities have all disappeared leaving behind churches that serve more as attractions to the interested tourists rather than houses of worship for the Armenians that do not exist there anymore. The rest of the Armenians from Yerevan to Los Angeles continue to growl repeating the poet that “we are, we will be and we will multiply.”

Multiply? Poor Baruyr Sevag. Had he been alive he would have witnessed that indeed the number of the Armenians in the Diaspora is increasing, certainly temporarily, due to massive exodus of the mostly able-bodied conscript age young men and women from his native land, Armenia. If Armenia continues to bleed this way, more likely than not it will house an Armenian minority living in the shadows of the Mount Ararat. 

A Wreath on the Gamavor’s (Legionnaire’s) Tomb

Vahe H. Apelian

 

Gamavor is an Armenian word meaning volunteer. It is used only as a noun. For the one or two generations preceding ours Gamavor referred to the approximately 5,000 Armenian men who volunteerarily joined the French Army to fight the Turks during the First World War. The French called the formation La Legion Armenienne. In English the descriptive word we have chosen is legionnaire. I am not sure if the word legionnaire inherently describes volunteering to a legion for a lofty cause, as was the case with the Armenian Gamavors. 

The Armenian volunteers were motivated by a French and Armenian Diaspora pact promising that in return for Armenian military support to the Allies against the Ottoman and German alliance, the French and their allies would help the Western Armenians lay the foundation for home rule in Cilicia, part of historic Armenia. Most, if not all, of the volunteers were expatriate Cilicians. Approximately 1,200 came from the United States, including some 70 Kessabtsis. Among the latter was Nshan, the paternal uncle of my maternal uncle, the historian Dr. Antranig Chalabian, who dedicated his book “Revolutionary Figures” to his uncle Nshan and noted the following:  “Towards the end of 1916, when my father was subjected to deportation, his brother left America and returned to the homeland to enlist with the volunteers to fight against the Turks. After training with the Armenian Legion in Cyprus for two years, my uncle and his cousin Panos went to Palestine along with thousands of volunteers, fought in the Battle of Arara, went to Cilicia and after the turnabout of the French Government, returned to America and died in Fresno in 1973.”

The Battle of Arara was the major military engagement of the Gamavors. It took place on Sept. 18, 1918, near Megiddo (the Biblical Armageddon) in northern Palestine. The valor of the Armenian combatants in securing victory against the German-Turkish forces merited special commendation of the Allied High Command. Twenty-three Armenian combatants were killed in action. What followed the battle was another sad chapter in Armenian history.

The French forces, having secured victory, headed north and eventually captured Cilicia. Their presence encouraged the genocide survivors to return to their ancestral villages. But instead of honoring their pact with the Armenians, the French reneged on their promise and withdrew their forces, without giving notice to the Armenians and without having negotiated with Turkish forces about the state of the Armenians they were leaving behind. I recall being told, during family conversations, that the French even padded the hooves of their horses to muffle the sound of their unannounced midnight evacuation. “Chivalrous France” became a sarcastic expression in Armenian conversation and literature.

Abandoned and left to the whims of the Turkish onslaught, without the protection that they had rightfully expected from their French allies and unable to protect themselves, the Armenians once again fled their Cilician homeland to disperse around the world. Only two Armenian villages remain from the once thriving Armenian enclave on that prime northeastern Mediterranean region, along the Mediterranean coast,—the vilage Wakf in historical Mussa Dagh in Turkey and Kessab in Syria.

After the genocide the surviving Kessabtis who managed to return to Kessab tenaciously held on to their enclave and established a de facto home rule, under the leadership of the Kessabtsi Gamavors who had left the legion and moved to Kessab with their arms. The home rule lasted from 1918 to 1921 during which the Armenians established administrative and judicial bodies to enforce law and order. The former legionnaires also formed an armed force and protected the population from the prevailing lawlessness in the region and gave refuge to some members of other minorities such as ethnic Greeks and the Alevis. The French disbanded the Kessab self-rule, as they cemented their colonial control over Syria and Lebanon.

The British and the French, as the supreme powers in that part of the world, had secretely already drawn the map of the region to suit their interests. The straight-lined borders of present-day Middle Eastern states were the works of their foreign ministers, Sir Mark Sykes of Britain and François Georges-Picot of France. They carved, among themselves, what had remained of the Ottoman Empire, without regard to the mosaic of the area's ethnic, religious or social fabric.

The drawn map put Kessab within Turkey. The prospect of ending up in Turkey terrified the Kessabtsis in spite of the fact that they had been under Turkish rule for centuries, had adopted Turkish words in their vocabulary, traded almost exclusively with Turkish-occupied Antioch and had almost no dealing with their immediate Arab neighbors in the south. The uncertainty over the fate of Kessab heightened in the latter part of the decade (1937 to 1939) as Turkey began imposing its presence in Kessab and made Turkish language teaching mandatory. Many members of the first post-Genocide generation born in Kessab had reached conscription age by then. These young men, including my father, were urged by their families to flee to Lebanon lest they be be drafted into the Turkish Army.

The Kessabtsis also appealed to the occupying forces to have Kessab removed from the emerging Turkey. It is generally accepted that Cardinal Krikor Bedros XV Aghajanian (Գրիգոր Պետրոս ԺԵ. Աղաճանեան, French: Grégoire-Pierre XV Agagianian, Italian: Gregorio Pietro XV Agagianian) played a decisive role in having the colonial rulers redraw the map to secure the last remnant of Armenian Cilicia. This episode may be the only instance where the two great powers redrew the map in that corner of the Middle East to save the Armenian enclave Kessab from the Turkish occupation. Kessab was incorporated into Syria but at a price. Most of the arable lands of Kessab were given to Turkey.

The first Syrian government official visit to Kessab took place on March 20, 1944. Shukri Kuwaitli, the first elected President of Syria visited Kessab as a token of Syrian Government’s appreciation of the Armenians for having their native enclave included in Syria. 

The late George Azad Apelian, in an article, noted that during his pre-teens in the mid-'50s, the  Kessabtsi Gamavors came to Keurkune--one of Kessab's twelve villages--for their traditional September reunion celebrating their participation in the battle of Arara.. Their arrival created much excitement among the villagers, particularly among the youngsters, seeing the men in their military fatigues and carrying ammunition and rifles. The Gamavors celebrated their victory at the Battle of Arara seated next to the village spring, feasting over white sheets spread on the nearby meadow. They sang a song about the Gamavors. George had memorized the old song that ended with:

From Arara to Cilicia

Are reminders of the Volunteers

On the tomb of the Volunteer

There is no wreath, however.

«Գործող Կեդրոնի Պէտք Ունինք եւ ոչ թէ Թանգարանի»

Վահէ Յ. Աբէլեան

Վերնագիրը ընդօրինակած եմ Հրաչ Քալսահակեանին թեւ 179  վիտիոյէն։ Հրաչը գնահատելի սովորութիւնը մը ըրած է։ Մեր կեանքին հետ աղէրս ունեցող հարցերու մասին իր կարծիքը  կը ձայնագրէ եւ կը զետեղէ Եութիւպի վրայ։

Վերնագիրը ընդօրինակեցի քանի որ 1976-ին Ամերիկայ հաստատուելէս ետք անոր իրողութիւնը ապրած եմ եւ տակաւին կ՚ապրիմ։ Իսկ «գործող կենդրոն» իր ակնարկը ոչ թէ միայն Շարժայի մէջ հայ կեդրոնին նման կեդրոնի մը կը վերագրեմ, ալ նաեւ եկեղեցիին եւ ինչպէս նաեւ այլ հայկական հաստատութիւններուն։

Աւելի քան տասնամեակ մը մաս կազմեզի Նիւ ճըրզի Հայկական ծերանոցին հաստատութեան հոգաբարձութեանը (Board of Trustees).  Հոն ապրող տարեցներուն ծախսերը կը հոգայ կառաւարութիւնը։ Հետեւաբար կառաւարական հսկողութեան տակ գործող հաստատութիւն մըն է  եւ ենթակայ է անոր օրէնքներուն ինչպէս իրեն նման այլ հաստատութիւնները։ Բայց շէնքը կառուցած է հայ համայնքը եւ կը ղեկաւարուի համայնքէն ներկայացուցչներով եւ այսպէս պահած է որոշ հայկական դիմագիծ մը։

Նիւ Ճերզի հայկական ձեռանոցը սովորութիւն ունէր Հայրերու Օրուայ շաբաթավերջը ընկերական դաշտկերոյթ, փիքնիք, ունենալ որուն ներկայ կ՚ըլլային հարիւրաւորներ եւ հարիւրաւորներ։ Յեռնարկը կ՚ապահովէր հասոյթ հաստատութեան զանազան եւ այլազան կարիքներուն համար։ Այդ հասոյթը կարելի կըլլար ապահովել քանի որ այդ հսկայ ձեռնակը ամբողջութեամբ կը տարուէր կամաւոր աշխատողներու կողմէ։ Փիքնիքէն նուազագոյն շաբաթ մը առաջ պատրաստութիւնները կը սկսէին։ Ալ գնում ընողները, անոր նշանաւոր քէպապի միսերը պատրաստողները, ինչպէս նաեւ սարման, անուշեղէնները եւն եւն ամբողջութեամբ կը պատրաստուէին հոյլ մը կամաւորներու կողմէ եւ այսպէս եղած  էր տարուէ տարի, տասնեակ տարիներէ ի վեր։ Քանի մը սերունդներու համար ծեռանոցին Հայերու Օրուայ փիքնիքը անգիր բայց հաստատուած տօն մըն էր։ Երբ ես գործի համար նահանգէն հեռացայ 1995-ին արդէն փիքնիքը դադրած էր տեղի ունենալէ։ կամաւորներու այդ սերունդը կամաց կամաց հեռացաւ իսկ անոնց ձգած բացը լեցնողներ չեղան։ Նախքին սերընդակիցներ կը յիշեն ծեռանոցին հայկական փիքնիքը իր նուագով եւ պարով, անոր նշանաւոր քէպապը եւ պուլղուրով փիլաւը։ Բայգ նոր սերունդը գաղաբար իսկ չունի։

Անցեալ շաբաթ Մարին եւ ես ներկայ եղանք՝ Ուսթըրի (Worcester, MA) Սուրբ Երրորդութեան եկեղեցիին ներքնասրահը ուր այդ Ուրբաթ օրուան  երեկոյեան եկեղեցիին համար հասոյթ  ապահովելու համար տեղի ունենալիք հիրասիրութեան  պատրաստութիւնը կըլլար։ Հոն ալ խումբ մը, ընհանրապէս կիներ, ժրաջան կ՚աշխատայիին։ Բայց ամէնուն մտահոգութիւնը նոյն էր, երիտասարդ կամաւորներու պակասը։ Հիւրասիրութիւնը տեղի ունեցաւ եւ ըստ ակնկալութեան, շուրջ $20,000 շահ ապահոված պիտի ըլլայ։ Անշուշտ որ այդ կարելի եղաւ շնորհիւ կամաւոր աշախատողներուն եւ մատակարարողներուն։ Հապա՞ եթէ անոնք չըլլային կամ չըլլան օր մը։

Պարզուած պատկերը ընհանրական է եւ պատասխանատութիւնը մեր ամբողջին վրայ կ՚իյնայ։ Ոչ մէկ վարչութիւն կամ վարչական, կացութիւնէն շատ բան պիտի կարենայ փոխել եթէ տիրող մտայնութիւնը այսպէս շարունակուի։ Այնպէս որ անբողջութեամբ չեմ բաժներ Հրաչին ըրած ախտաճանաչումը։ Հոն հասարակած պատասխանատուութիւն մը կայ որուն մասին պէտք եղած ախտաճանաճումը չգտայ Հրաչին տեսաերիզին վրայ։

Հակասական վիճակ մը կայ այս կացութեամ մէջ։ Բացատրեմ օրինակով՝

Օհայօ Նահանգին, Քոլոմպոս քաղաքին մէջ հայկական կազմակերպուած համայնք մը կայ որ կապուած է Էջմիածնական Թեմին։ Հոն է որ անդրադարձայ թեմերուն անյաղորդ վիճակին պատճառած վնասը։ Պարբերաբար կղեր մը կուգայ եւ կը պատարագէ։ Բայց այդ կղերականը պէտք է ըլլայ Էջմիածնայ Թեմէն։ Կը պատահի որ շրջան մը, այլ եւ այլ պատճառներով, կղերական մը չըլլայ։ Բայց համայնքը արտօնուած չէ կապ պահել Անթիլեասի Թեմին հետ որպէսզի կղերական մը տրամադրէ Էջմիածնական Թեմին կղերականին բացակայութեանը։ Օտար եկեղեցի մը իր ներքնասրահը եւ պաշտամունքի եկեղեցիին սրահը տրամադրուած է հայ համայնքին Քրիստոնեայ եղբայրական զգացումներէ տարուած։ Բայց համայնքը ակնկալուած համեմատութեամբ ներկայ չըլլար։ Բայց երբ հարց կը տրուի շարունակել կամ դադրեցնել այս վիճակը, համայնքը չուզեր դադրեցնլ, բայց զարմանալիօրէն պէտք եղած տարողութեամբ մասնակցելու տրամդրութիւն ալ ցոյց  չի տար եւ միեւնոյն ժամանակ չուզեր առանց եկեղեցիի եւ որոշ կազմակերպուած համայնքի մը ներկայութեանը մնալ։ Այսպէս պատասխանատուութիւնը կը մնայ  կամաւորներու շատ սեղմ շրջանակի մը ուսերուն վրայ որոնք արդարաբար կը գանգատին եւ սպառնան դադրիլ պատասխանատուութիւն ստանցնելէ։

Կար ժամանակ երբ միւթենական աշխատանքի համար ոչ թէ միայն տրամադրութիւն կար, այլ յաճախ ներքին պայքարներու պատճառ կը դարնար ստանցնելու վարչական պատասխանատուութիւնը։ Յաճախ կը պատահէր որ այդ համայնքը կեդրոն չունենար եւ հետեւաբար կեդրոն ունենալը հիմնական անհրաժեշտութիւն կը դարնար։ Արեւմտեան Պէյրութի ժողովրդային տունը ուր ես անցուցի պատանեկութիւնըս եւ երիտասարդութեանս սկզբնական տարիները, կուսացութեան չէր պատկաներ։ Վարձու տեղ մըն էր։ Յետաքային կուսակցութիւնը ունեցաւ իր կեդրոնը որ դժբախտաբար չի կրցաւ օգտագործել քաղաքացիական պատերազմին պատճառաւ եւ ըսուեցաւ որ ծախուեցաւ։

Ներկայիս շատ աւելի դիւրին է շէնք մը բարձրացնելը բայց շատ աւելի դժուարացած է այդ շէնքը գործող կեդրոնի մը վերածելը։ Վարիչներ կամ որոշ մարդիկ կրնան որոշ օգտակարութիւն ունենալ շէնքը գործոն կեդրոնի մը վերածելու։ Բայց այդ մէկը դատապարտուած է աւելի շատ կանուխ քան ուշ  իր վերջալոյսին, եթէ համայնքին անդամներուն մասնակցելու եւ բաժնեկցելու ընհանրական տրամադրութիւնը օրէ օր պակսի։