I was a Calouste Gulbenkian Scholarship Recipient

 Vahe H. Apelian, Boylston, MA

A few days ago I was perusing the 1965 Armenian Evangelical College High School yearbook, the year I graduated. It was customary the graduating student indicated in the yearbook the career the graduating student intended to pursue. Along with it choose a motto as the student's guiding principle. In my case, I have indicated pharmacy as my career choice. My motto, naturally stated in Armenian, I found out recently, is attributed to Walt Withman and reads: "Keep your face toward the sunshine and shadows will fall behind you". Surely easier said than done but it was during the Sixties, the era of Mary Hopkins' famed song, "Those Were the Days", whose lyrics boastfully said: "We'd live the life we choose; We'd fight and never lose; For we were young and sure to have our way."

Fortunately, the gods of good fortune during those crucial years in a person's life turned out to be in my favor. I successfully passed the American University of Beirut entrance examinations and was accepted to continue my education there. Much like the parents of any college-bound student, the tuition cost was a big concern to my parents as well. My parents covered my freshman year tuition thanks partly to financial assistance from my mother's maternal uncles in America and financial assistance I received from the University. During my freshmen year, I also applied to the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation for the financial assistantship and was granted one. I also was among three dozens or so students out of many applicants who were accepted to the School of Pharmacy, having completed their sophomore diploma in arts and sciences. 

Consequently my Sophomore year and the following four years in the School of Pharmacy, five years in total, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation covered my tuition having awarded me full scholarship that not only covered my tuition cost, but every semester left enough money to buy the textbooks, a shirt, a pair of pants and a pair of shoes from the upscale "Red Shoe" store in Beirut. 

Calouste Gulbenkian scholarship thus assured continuing my college education to its completion and made my college years memorable and enjoyable. Unburdened from financial worries, I became involved both in student organizations and extracurricular activities. I was elected as the class representative to the school of pharmacy student board. I was also elected to chair arguably the oldest Armenian student association in the Diaspora, the A.R.F. Zavarian Student Association.

As I look back and reminisce of those days, I realize that a good number of Armenian students of my generation, in the American University of Beirut was also recipients of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation scholarship.  These Armenian students studied agricultural, geology, medicine, engineering, pharmacy, physics, chemistry, nursing, mathematics, biology, business, and humanitarian studies. They were not only from Lebanon but also from Syria and from elsewhere also. I know for a fact that many of us as scholarship recipients would not have been able to have a college education in AUB had the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, headquartered in Lisbon, Portugal, not assured to defray our tuition costs. Most of Calouste Gulbenkian scholarship recipients of my generation, I presume, ended or are in the process ending their careers.  

But a few others and I were more fortunate than the rest. After my B.S. in Pharmacy, I was granted a teaching assistantship and stipend to pursue a master's degree in science. In 1972 the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation invited me and four other Armenian graduate students from AUB, who were also former recipients of Gulbenkian Scholarship during their undergraduate years, for a summer-long training placing each one of us in a different class in the Foundation's science institute. Along with me were Arpi Darakjian, the sister of Nazareth Darakjian, M.D, the president of AMAA; Ara Hovanessian who earned a Ph.D. in science and charted a reputable career as research director in the Institute of Pasteur. His breakthrough discovery in how the body responds to viral infection was heralded in NY Times. I do not remember the names of the other two, other than the first name of one of them, Sirvart.  In Lisbon, we met Mr. Keshishian and Mr. Mavlian. They were the directors of the Armenian Department of the Foundation. They were just names for us as we anxiously waited to hear their responses to our applications. They acted as gracious hosts to us, invited us to dinner and introduced us to an Armenian member of the governing board who was related to the founder Calouste Gulbenkian. He received us warmly and welcomed us. His endearing remark still rings in my ear: "Lisbon will be full of Armenians this summer". And when I fell sick, Calouste Gulbenkian's personal physician treated me.

We were immersed in our tasks in the Institute for the five days of the week and had the weekends off to do sightseeing. During one of these weekends, I visited the westernmost point of Europe, a place called Capo Da Roca that overlooked the turbulent waters below while the seemingly endless expense of the Atlantic Ocean came in full plain view.  The place symbolized the sea faring spirit of the Portuguese. At that moment I became reflective. In my small world, I thought I had come far, shouldered by my parents, many teachers and finally the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation that had enabled me to come thus far. I purchased a certificate attesting my visit there that I still keep it as a cherished remembrance. Little did I envision then that in a few years the world I knew would literary turn upside down in Lebanon due to the civil war that started in 1975. The education the Foundation had enabled me to receive qualified me for a preferential immigration visa to the hospitable shores of the United States, where, like many other Calouste Gulbenkian scholarship recipients, I also settled, married and raised our family and in time had our parents join us. 

We also visited the Foundation's headquarters in Lisbon, attended cultural events there, and visited the museum which houses Calouste Gulbenkian's private collection of ancient artifacts and art. 

It will be the understatement of all times when I say that Mr. Calouste Gulbenian was no ordinary man. But I am not referring to his immense wealth as one of the richest man the financial world has had. He was, after all, the famed Mr. 5%. What I mean to say is that upon reading his son Noubar's, autobiography, "Portrait in Oil", I learned a lot more about the person he was. Calouste Gulbenkian hailed from a well-to-do family and was a studious young man. He studied petroleum engineering and graduated first in his class when he still was in his late teens. His father sent him to Baku where he was apprenticed by the Armenian oil barons of the day such as Alexander Mantashev. By the age of 22, he had published about the state of the oil industry. He was a man who knew how to mine the richness of Mother Nature. In an analogous way, the Armenian Department of the charitable foundation he created mines for the potentials in the Armenian diaspora and enables them by assisting them financially. 

Calouste Gulbenkian continues to leave an indelible mark on the world scene through the foundation he established. Countless young men and women achieve their dreams of furthering their education because of the generosity of the Foundation. Many organizations contribute to society because of the financial assistance they receive from the Foundation. Witnessing the immense charitable organization Calouste Gulenbian has established in Portugal and realizing that the Armenian Department is but one of its many departments, the thought, I admit, did cross my mind as to the unprecedented benefits Armenians would have enjoyed had this immense institution primarily supported them. But I can safely say that the landscape of the Armenia Diaspora surely would not have been what it became, had the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation not enabled the education of many of us. I do not mean to say only to those during the years I studied in AUB but also before and later. 

Much has changed since my graduation. The tuition cost of the American University of Beirut nowadays is at least 20 to 30 times what it was in my days. The number of Armenians studying in AUB has nosedived precipitously.

Recently Dr. Razmig Panossian, a fellow Kessabtsi, was appointed as the director of the Armenian Department. The Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation continues to offer much-needed guidance and financial support towards various current causes and needs of the Armenian Diaspora. 

Armenians First Christians to raise up Arms in Defense of their Right to Worship

Dr. Antranig Chalabian, USA

This blog is a reproduction of Dr. Antranig Chalabian's article titled "In 451, Armenians were the first Christians to take up arms in defending their right to worship"  from  Military History magazine. 

"The year 428 ad brought an end to Armenia's Arsacid (Arshakuni) monarchy, which had ruled the country since 52 ad, when its founder, Trdat I, received his crown from the Roman emperor Nero. Most of Armenia then fell under the rule of the Persian Sassanids and was governed by marzbans (governors-general), appointed by the king of Persia. The marzban was invested with supreme power, including the power to impose death sentences, but could not interfere with the privileges of the Armenian nobility. Of the 35 successive marzbans who ruled during a 200-year period, six were Armenians. 

In spite of the Arsacid monarchy's demise, the Armenians preserved their cultural identity through the spiritual power of their Christian faith. King Trdat III (286¬336) had declared Christianity to be the state religion in 301 ad, thereby making Armenia the first officially Christian nation on earth. (The first Christian emperor of Rome, Constantine the Great, did not announce his conversion until 312.) Following the invention of the Armenian alphabet in 405, the Bible and works of the church fathers were translated into Armenian between 422 and 432, filling the soul of the nation with a fervent Christian zeal. 

During the marzbanic period, the Persians launched a series of intermittent persecutions against the Christian Armenians. In particular, King Yazdegird II (438¬457), wanted to pressure the Armenians to accept Zoroastrianism, which included the worship of the supreme god Ahura Mazda. By doing so, he hoped to prevent any future alliance based on religion between the Armenians and Persia's archenemy, the Eastern Roman Empire. 

Yazdegird called the Armenian nobles to his court at Ctesiphon. Mihr-Nerseh, the grand vizier, promulgated an edict enjoining the Armenians to give up "the erroneous and foolish ways of the Romans, thus depriving themselves of the benefits of the Persian perfect religion." 

After returning to their country in 449, the Armenians held a general assembly in Artashat to ponder an answer to the edict. Catholicos Hovsep presided over the meeting. It was attended by 17 bishops, 18 major nakharars (feudal lords), many noblemen and prominent priests, whose spokesman was the Erets (priest) Ghevond. 

The Armenians' reply to Mihr-Nerseh concluded with the following words: "From this belief [Christianity] no one can move us; neither fire, nor sword, nor water, nor any other horrid tortures. All our goods and our possessions are in your hands, our bodies are before you; dispose of them as you will. If you leave us to our belief, we will here on earth choose no other lord in your place, and in heaven choose no other God in place of Jesus Christ, for there is no other God but him." 

When the Persian king was informed of their rejection, he flew into a rage and sent an order for the chief dignitaries of Armenia to appear before him in Ctesiphon. Fifteen came, headed by Vassak Siuni and Vardan Mamikonian. Before receiving them in audience, Yazdegird had sworn "by the Sun God, that if tomorrow morning, at the rise of the magnificent one [the sun], the nobles would not kneel before it with him, and acknowledge it as god, they would be imprisoned and chained, their wives and children exiled into distant lands, and the imperial troops and herds of elephants would be sent to Armenia to demolish their churches."  

The dignitaries opted to make a pretense of yielding, for the sake of their homes and families. Yazdegird, in great joy, heaped honors and gifts upon them and sent them off to Armenia accompanied by 700 Magi, to convert the entire country to Zoroastrianism, or Mazdaism. 

Scarcely had the strange cavalcade crossed the frontier, 420 miles east of Dvin, when a horde of Armenian peasants, armed with clubs and slings and led by the fiery priest Ghevond, assailed the trespassers and sent them fleeing. 

The Armenian leaders, most of them ashamed of their sham apostasy, avoided appearing in public. Many young men and women were ready to fight and die for their Christian faith if the Persian king made good his threat of an armed invasion. They had implicit confidence in their commander, Vardan Mamikonian. 

Vardan was the son of Sparapet (general) Hamazasp Mamikonian and Sahakanush, the daughter of the Catholicos Sahak Bartev, a descendent of Gregory the Illuminator. The Roman Emperor Theodosius II (408¬450) and the Persian King Bahram V (421¬438) had both conferred the rank of general upon Vardan. He had visited Constantinople on diplomatic missions. As a commander of Armenian contingents of the Persian army, with a record of service in 40 engagements, he had won laurels in campaigns in Khorassan (modern Turkestan). 

With war now inevitable, Vardan dispatched a delegation to the Eastern Roman court for help, but he was met with bitter disappointment. Atilla the Hun, ruling over a territory that stretched from the Caspian Sea to the Rhine, was threatening Constantinople. The Roman emperor had drained his meager treasury to purchase peace with the barbarian. As long as the Huns menaced the very gates of the capital, no Roman emperor dared irritate that other great enemy, the king of Persia. 

On Easter Day, April 13, 451, the Persian army, numbering 300,000 men, arrived at a location between Her and Zarevand (Khoy and Salmast in present-day Iran). The army's center was held by the division of the "Immortals"--10,000 horsemen. A herd of trained elephants, each carrying an iron tower full of bowmen, was another menace. The rear guard was reinforced by a column of elephants, on one of which, in a barbed tower, sat the commander, Mushkan Nusalavurd, viewing the entire battlefield and directing movements. 

The Armenian forces, comprised of 66,000 cavalry and infantry and accompanied by a considerable number of clergy, camped near the village of Avarair in the Plain of Shavarshakan (modern Maku, in the northwestern corner of Iran). The rivulet Ighmud ("muddy"), a tributary of the Araxes River, separated the two armies. 

On May 26, Vardan, who from childhood had been well versed in the Holy Scriptures, read aloud the heroic deeds of the Jewish Maccabees, who successfully fought against the Seleucid tyrant Anthiochus IV (175¬164 bc) in defense of their faith. Then Ghevond delivered a discourse. 

Eghishé, a contemporary chronicler, described the Battle of Avarair, to which he was an eyewitness: "One should have seen the turmoil of the great crisis and the immeasurable confusion on both sides, as they clashed with each other in reckless fury. The dull-minded became frenzied; the cowards deserted the fields; the brave dashed forward courageously, and the valiant roared. In a solid mass the great multitude held the river; and the Persian troops, sensing the danger, became restless in their places; but the Armenian cavalry crossed the river and fell upon them with a mighty force. They attacked each other fiercely and many on both sides fell wounded on the field, rolling in agony." 

Upon seeing his left flank crumbling before the Persians, Vardan led a counterattack that cut off and destroyed the Persian right wing. Mushkan, however, rallied his troops and committed his reserves. Vardan and his warriors were surrounded by the Persian vanguard and went down fighting. 

The battle continued until evening. By that time, 1,036 Armenians and 3,544 Persians lay dead in heaps on the battlefield. The survivors were scattered over the hilltops and in more protected valleys. Despite the heavier Persian casualties, Mushkan had won the day. Vardan had fallen in battle, and there was no longer any chief who could rally his remaining troops. 

Though beaten, however, the Armenian army was far from destroyed. Vahan Mamikonian, son of the great Vardan's brother Hmayak, took charge and led the Armenians in a guerrilla war that flared around strongholds and along impregnable heights for the next 33 years.

During that time, the Sassanids underwent three changes of rulers, and also had to deal with external conflicts with Rome and a new wave of eastern barbarians known as the Ephthalites, or White Huns. After the death of King Peroz at the hands of the White Huns in 484, his brother and successor, Balash, made a serious reassessment of the long, inconclusive conflict in Armenia and sued for peace. Vahan sent messengers to the Persian camp, with proposals for liberties in Armenia, the main one being: "Religious worship in accordance with Christian doctrines and rites to be declared free in Armenia, and fire altars to be removed." 

Balash accepted Vahan's terms, and in 484, a treaty was signed in the village of Nuwarsak. Vahan was appointed marzban of Armenia. His victory was celebrated in the Cathedral of Dvin, with the Catholicos Hovhan I Mandakuni (478¬490) officiating. Armenia had regained her autonomy and freedom of the national church and culture. Vahan ruled for 20 years (485¬505). 

Vardan Mamikonian's analogy comparing the Armenians' struggle to that of the Jewish Maccabees proved to be remarkably apt. In both cases, followers of the Bible had fought for the right to worship in the face of religious oppression, and in each case the long, protracted struggle ended in a negotiated settlement assuring those rights. Both struggles also produced martyred heroes--Judas Maccabee the Hammer and Vardan Mamikonian the Brave. 

The Vardanian War, as it came to be called in Vardan's honor, began on May 26, 451, but the Armenian church celebrates the event in February. In the past, spring was considered the season for warfare. Armenia's ecclesiastical fathers had decided to commemorate the event in February, before spring, in order to inspire the youth and prepare their minds for battle, in defense of church and fatherland.  "

Simon Simonian, The Last Scion of the Mountaineers

Simon Simonian, The Last Scion of the Mountaineers

Vahe H. Apelia

 

Simon Simonian was one of the towering intellects and literary figures of the post genocide Armenian Diaspora. He was an educator, publisher, editor, author, and an activist. He was born on March 24, 1914, in Aintab. His Sassoun-born father's name was Ove' (Օվէ). His mother's name was Menoush (Մենուշ). She hailed from Aintab. Sassoun was once an exclusively Armenian-inhabited highland while Aintab (now Gaziantep) had a large Armenian population. Simonian was their eldest child.

In 1921, having survived the Genocide, the family had found refuge in Aleppo. The future writer-publisher received his elementary education in that city in northern Syria. Subsequently, he attended (1930-1935) the newly established seminary of the Catholicosate of Cilicia in Antelias, Lebanon becoming one of its first students.

After graduating from the seminary he returned to Aleppo where he taught at the Gulbenkian and Haigazian Schools until 1946. During the war years, he established the "Sevan" Printing Press with a group of like-minded Armenian teachers.

At the invitation of Catholicos Karekin I Hovsepiants (1946), he moved to Lebanon where he taught at the catholicosate's seminary until 1955 and became the institute's scholar in residence. He also established a close personal and professional relationship with the Catholicos. His scholarly contributions during those years and later are far too numerous to list

In 1954 he visited Armenia as a member of the delegation representing the Catholicosate of Cilicia at the funeral of Catholicos Kevork VI Tcheorekdjian. At the time a visit to the Soviet republic was considered an extraordinary event. That visit became a life-altering experience for him. The following year he resigned from his positions at the catholicosate but continued teaching, part-time, for many years at the Armenian General Benevolent Union Hovagimian-Manougian Secondary School for Boys and at the Tarouhie Hagopian Secondary School for Girls.

 In 1955 he reestablished "Sevan' so as to have his own voice heard. Three years later he launched the "Spurk" literary magazine, which along with Antranig Dzarougian's "Nayiri" became prominent literary magazines and platforms for many authors and budding writers.

Along with his teaching and scholarly research, Simonian wrote Armenian history, geography and language textbooks for different grades. They were reprinted several times and became standard textbooks at Armenian schools across the Diaspora.

Simonian authored the following novels and collection of short stories: «կը Խնդրուի Խաչաձեւել» (Obstruction Requested, 1965), «Խմբապետ Ասլանի Աղջիկը» (Commander Aslan's Daughter, 1967), «Լեռնականերու Վերջալոյսը» (The Sunset of the Mountaineers, 1968), «Սիփանայ Քաջեր», (The Daredevils of Sipan, 1967-1970), «Լեռ եւ Ճակատագիր» (Mountain and Fate, 1972), «Անժամանդրոս» (UntimelyMan) (1978, 1998);

Simonian was not hamstrung by Armenian political partisanship. He possessed a too large personality and a streak of Sassountsi "free spirit" to be confined by partisanship. The only organization he belonged was the Sassountsi compatriotic organization. He even became a persona non grata in Soviet Armenia but his concern for all things Armenian resonated across the Diaspora political spectrum. I recall with fond memories the overwhelming popular reception he received in the social hall of New Jersey's St. Vartanants Cathedral when he and his wife toured the United States in the early '80s.

Reading his books makes it evident that  becomes apparent  that his paternal lineage from from the Armenian highland of Sassoun shaped his literary imagination and his perception of what an Armenian is or ought to be. Many of the stories of his books depict the once-proud mountaineers of Sassoun as heroes. Driven from their mighty highlands, the generous spirit of these proud mountaineers would find outlets as bakers in the bakeries they ran in Aleppo, setting up an authentic and unsurpassed tradition that continues to this day.

Simonian had a commanding presence even though he was not tall. Anyone who has called him couldn't forget his deep baritone that came over the wires with his customary greeting, voghjun (Ողջոյն). The closest word for it in English is 'salute' but surely his voghjuyn embodied more than a mere salutation.

Several times I had the pleasure of calling him at his office. When I recall those moments I realize that he must have assumed that his world was inhabited only by Armenians and hence "voghjuyn", rather than the universal "hello". The latter makes deference to the caller's native language and offers the courtesy of the doubt that the caller may not be an Armenian. But it was always voghjuyn for Simonian.

Simonian was married to Aleppo-born Mary Ajemian. Much like his heroes, she also hailed from a Sassountsi family. She was the sister of Kevork Ajemian, a well-known bilingual (Armenian and English) journalist and novelist. The Simonians had four sons (Hovig, Vartan, Daron, and Sassoun) and a daughter Maral.

Simonian died on his birthday on March 24, 1986. Armen Tarian's eulogy in "Zartonk" daily (March 29, 1986) borrowed Simonian's greeting and wrote: "Voghjuyn Simon. Sevan Press was his Sevan Lake. Not only the lake but simply its name would transform him".

Sevan Press published some 500 books, in addition to Simonian's books and textbooks, and the weekly, monthly, yearly periodicals. Sevan Press and its owner-publisher became landmark institutions for several decades in the Diaspora. Dignitaries visiting Lebanon made a point of meeting him. Unfortunately, almost ten years before his death, his much-beloved printing house became another casualty of the Lebanese Civil War and ceased being the outlet for his prodigious literary output. 

Simonian's literary legacy remains an enduring part of the post-Genocide Western Armenian literature.

Note: The book: "The Last Scion of the Mountaineers", by Levon Sharoyan, translated by Vahe H. Apelian

http://vhapelian.blogspot.com/search?q=Simon+Simonian

Aram I: “The Armenian Church”, a Book Review

Reviewed by Vahe H. Apelian

In a superb narration Aram I presents to his readers, in his book titled “The Armenian Church”,  “The Christianization of Armenia and the Armenianization of the Christianity” because “The Armenian Church is the birthplace of Armenian culture and since the beginning of the 5^thCentury it has been its epicenter, not only creating the wonder of the Armenian Alphabet, but also playing a pivotal part in promoting, enriching, and protecting all manifestations of Armenian culture.’

Aram I, early on in the book, presents the different names by which the Armenian Church is known: Church of Armenia, Holy, Apostolic, Catholic, Orthodox Armenian Church; Armenian Gregorian Church, Armenian Apostolic Church, Armenian Church or Church of Armenia. He then explains why he chose “Armenian Church” as the title of his book, when it was known as Church of Armenia during its early founding years. The one time church confined in Armenia now extends its jurisdiction from America to Australia and in all continents of the world in between where Armenians have now scattered.

Along with the customary Preface and Introduction of a book, Aram I presents the Armenian Church in 10 chapters in each of which he presents the essence of the inferred topic in a clear, easily understood, and captivating manner even though it may entail theological discussion as to why the Armenian Church rejected the Council of Chalcedon while it upheld the teachings of the first three ecumenical councils and explains the Armenian Church’s understanding of the Trinity of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit.

To give a breath and the scope of this superbly narrated book that encompasses all aspects of the church for the interested lay reader, I will have to enumerate the chapters and the topics under each chapter Aram I presents in a simplified manner. Only those who have full command and grasp, resort to such simplified and pleasant narration to transmit their knowledge in a simple manner to the interested not to bore them but retain their attention and help them understand the working of the Armenian Church.

The chapters and their subtitles are as follows:

LONG HISTORY IN BRIEF(pages 21-53), comprises:

The major periods of the history of the Armenian church,  The Origin of the Armenian Church, Christianity as the state religion,  The Golden Age,  The Rejection of the Council of Chalcedon, The Arabs in Armenia,  The Formation of Armenian Cilicia,  A Period of uncertainty and stagnation,  The Armenian Genocide,  Soviet Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora,  New hopes and promises.

HIERARCHY AND DECISION-MAKING (pages 54-76), comprises:

Hierarchy,  Catholicos,  Patriarch, Archbishop,  Bishop,  Vartabed and Supreme Vartabed,  Celibate Priest,  Married Priest,  Deacon,  Decision-Making Structures,  Hierarchical Sees, Two Catholicosates within One Church.

ESSENTIALS OF FAITH (pages 76-95) comprises:

The Bible, Ecumenical Councils, Local Councils, Liturgy, Exegetical Literature, Hagiographic Writings, Treatises and Homilies, Encyclical, pastoral letters, exchange of letters, and Confessions of Faith; Historiography.

RICH SPIRITUALITY (pages 96-140) comprises:

Liturgy, Daily Services,  Feasts,  Liturgical Books,  Sacraments,  Baptism, Confirmation,  Repentance,  Holy Lucharist,  Holy Orders,  Marriage,  Anointing of the Sick,  The Holy Muron,  Images,  Cross-Stone, Music, Liturgical Vestments, Liturgical Vessels,  Relics of Saints, Architecture, Armenian Calendar.

CULTURAL ACTIVITY (pages 141-156) comprises:

The Translation of the Bible and Church Fathers,  Major Figures of Armenian Original Literature, Contribution to painting, printing and music.

SOCIAL ACTION (pages 157-167) comprises:

Characteristic features of the Church’s diakonia, Armenian Diaspora: the focus of the Church’s diakonia,  Social action: a continuing concern.

EDUCATIONAL ROLE (pages168-174) comprises:

The first Armenian school, Monasteries: centers of education, Community schools, Authors in Christian education.

ECUMENICAL ENGAGEMENT (pages 175-196) comprises:

Relations with the Oriental Orthodox churches, Relations with Eastern Orthodox churches,  Relations with Catholic churches,  Relations with the Anglican Communion,  Relations with Protestant churches,  Participation in ecumenical councils and bilateral theological dialogues,  Collaboration with the Armenian Catholic and Armenian Evangelical churches.

PEOPLE’S CHURCH (pages 197-205) comprises

Indigenization of Christianity,  The Church as a unifying factor,  The leadership role of the Church, Church-state relations.

CHALLENGES AND PRIORITIES (pages 206-217) comprises:

A dynamic pastoral engagement, An active spiritual ministry, Redefining of the national identity of the Church, Renewal of the Armenian Church and urgent imperative.

The rest of the book comprises Notes, Appendices, and a listing for Further Reading.

At the end Aram I lists his prodigal output in Armenian, English and in French, totaling 28 titles!

Those who have followed Aram I have come to know that the basic tenets of his ministry can be summed up paraphrasing President Abraham Lincoln’s famous quote from his Gettysburg Address, “Of the People, by the People, and for the People”. Catholicos Aram I writes that “The Armenian Church should not become a museum of spiritual heritage; nor should it remain imprisoned in a petrified institutionalism. It is called to respond, in faithfulness to the core value of the Gospel, to the expectations of its people and to the challenges of the present-day world”.

It is not hard to envision that Aram I is burdened with the administrative responsibilities of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia whose jurisdiction extends globally. He also is a revered spiritual leader and an ecumenical figure. He has served as two terms moderator of the World Council of Churches and as two terms president of the Middle East Council of Churches. God has bestowed upon Catholicos Aram I a powerful intellect and a tireless stamina, which he has put in service towards to the Armenian People through the Armenian Church.

The book was first published in 2016 by the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia in Antelias, Lebanon. The book I read was its second edition in 2017. The book measures  5 inches x 7.5 inches making it handy to carry for reading in leisure. Each chapter is an entity in itself and thus can be prioritized per the reader’s interest. Reading the book in its entirety will give a reader a vital knowledge for his or her better appreciation of and understanding the Armenian Church that has withstood the test of time but continues to face new challenges.

  

ANCA and the Recognition of the Armenian Genocide

Vahe H. Apelian

It was Harut Sassounian who brought to my attention that the ANCA like him also claims that the United States of America has repeatedly recognized the genocide of the Armenians. 

In his most recent editorial dated December 12, 2018, and titled “U.S. Ambassador to Armenia Should Call the Armenian Genocide, Genocide”, Harut stated that “the United States has repeatedly recognized the Armenian Genocide at the highest levels of the government.”, and demanding that its ambassador to Armenia affirm the same. Obviously Harut is concerned that the U.S. ambassador to Armenia might not affirm what her government has acknowledged! But Harut conveniently ignores the reason and the sad turn of events that put an end to the former U.S. ambassador in Armenia, John Marshal Evans’ career as an official of the U.S. Government. 

I have had numerous exchanges with Harut Sassounian disputing his claim. He insists on the veracity of his claim and cites the three different instances upon which he bases his argument. The three instances he cites are the following. I quote:

“1) The U.S. Government submitted in 1951 an official document to the World Court in which it recognized the Armenian Genocide as a Genocide for the first time.

2) The House of Representatives adopted two resolutions in 1975 and 1984 acknowledging the Armenian Genocide.

3) Pres. Reagan issued a Presidential Proclamation in 1981, which referred to the Armenian Genocide.

He further noted to me “the info on U.S. Recognition of the Armenian Genocide is available for free on many websites, including the ANCA.” Harut Sassounian is the editor of California Courier he owns as its publisher and is entitled to voice his opinions. But the ANCA is a grass root organization and its opinions reflect what the community at large it represents believes. I found Harut’s assertion that ANCA does the same, disturbing.

 The other day I checked the ANCA’s page and I found out that true to Harut’s assertion, ANCA does indeed claim that the U.S. has recognized the Armenian Genocide and makes reference to the three instances Harut first used to formulate his opinion.

On that page ANCA notes in bold letters that: “ President Trump like President Reagan should recognize the Armenian Genocide.” Anyone with rudimentary knowledge of the workings of the U.S. Government knows that the first denizen of the Executive Branch, the President, executes what the Legislative Branch legislates. The latter has not resolved that the 1915 happening-the Medz Yeghern – constituted genocide. As to the President Reagan’s use of the G word, recently his speechwriter, Ken Khachigan, shed light on it. What President Reagan stated at that time in no way conveyed the position of the U.S. Government.

ANCA also states on that page that  “Despite formal recognition of the Armenian Genocide by the U.S. Government in 1951 and 1981….”. Obviously, in these two instances, the U.S. Government officials referenced to the 1915 happening in its legal term, GENOCIDE, but those references do not constitute recognition. Let me explain why I believe that to be the case.

We know that genocide is a compound word and is similar to many similar words, such as homicide, suicide, fratricide etc. But genocide differs from these words in a fundamental way. In case of the former words, the act of the killing constitutes the legal ground to act against their perpetrators. However, in case of the genocide its not the killing, it’s the INTENT to kill for the purpose of wiping out a community that constitutes the legal ground to act against the perpetrator of the genocide. Surely the 1.5 million Armenian victims make the intent the more obvious but by themselves do not constitute the legal ground for genocide. We know the Turkish authorities INTENDED to wipe out the Armenian race, but the U.S. Government has not claimed that it did, namely that it committed the genocide of the Armenians.

It is important that ANCA clarifies its understanding of the U.S. Government’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide. As far as I am concerned U.S. Government’s recognition of the Armenian Genocide entails for the U.S. Congress to resolve that the 1915 happening, the Medz Yeghern, constituted genocide. As far as I know there has not been any such a congressional resolution. 

Consequently, it remains for the U.S. Government to recognize the Armenian Genocide.

What Collective Defense? What Security?

This piece is my translation of the article Raffi Doudaklian posted on his Facebook page on November 20, 2018, titled "What Collective Defense? What Security?" - (Ի՞նչ Միացեալ Պաշտպանութիւն, ի՞նչ Անվտանգութիւն) Բնագիրըկ կցուած է։

" It was May 29, 2014, when the President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan departed to Astana, the capital city of Kazakhstan to take part in summit of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). After signing the conditions for membership, Armenia was to become a full-fledged member of EEU as of January 1, 2015. The presidents of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan were naturally attending the summit as well. The proceedings of the summit were being aired in all the membership countries. 

The president of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev, the host of the summit solemnly took the podium. Much like the characteristic sullen and unpleasant faced former Soviet leaders spoke about the EEU for which Armenia had applied for membership and was present to sign accepting the conditions for Armenia’s membership. Nazarbayev suddenly started talking about the conditions for accepting Armenia’s membership, addressing president Serzh Sargsyan. We, said Nazarbayev, have received a letter from the president of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliev. He opposes Armenia joining the EEU with Karabagh. We, continued Nazarbayev saying, cannot accept the presence of Karabagh in the economic union. The precondition for Armenia joining the EEU was clear. Armenia could only join the economic union without Karabagh.

The president of Armenia did not utter a word, in spite of the disgraceful state he was subjected to, especially when Nazarbayev was conveying to him the precondition laid down by Alieve, the president of Azerbaijan (note: Azerbaijan is not a member of EEU). With his own admission, Nazarbayev was stating that he had received a letter from Baku and the message was clear.

President Serzh Sargsyan's displeasure was obvious. But what could he do? By his own admission he had decided Armenia joining EEU the evening before. In a single night he had Armenia join the economic union of tyrannical countries with failed economies.

 What else could he do when he was the one who had presented himself at their door applying for membership, when Armenia as a whole did not back him up? The people did not support him, even it understood and tacitly accepted the president’s sudden decision to join EEU. Thus Serzh Sargsyan let Nazarbayev’s insult go without a response. He uttered not a single word and returned to Armenia subdued where no one was expecting him to justify his stand for everyone seemed to have concluded that Armenia is a week and a poor country and will always remain at the whims of the tyrannical rulers of EEU. Were they not the very same countries that were arming Azerbaijan?

Now let us come to the present days and to the events that took place a few days earlier. This time it was at the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) summit. The same countries have come together. Tajikistan and Uzbekistan have also joined them. The whole world knows that the leaders of these countries are as close to democracy as the moon is to our planet. The main topic of the agenda is the election of the new secretary-general. The former secretary-general Yuri Khachadurov has resigned because he faces grave legal issues in Armenia. The president of Belarus insists that the position of the secretary-general belongs to him, in spite of the fact that Khachadurov’s term extended to 2020. But Nikol Pashinyan opposes him and insists that the position of the secretary-general belongs to Armenia for the next two years. The by-laws are not clear about such succession. Russia remains silent. It might very well be that Russia wants Armenia cornered much like Serzh Sargsyan was four years earlier. The closed-door deliberations take place. According to some sources the deliberations take place in a very tense atmosphere. The sole ruler, the perpetual president of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko wants, at all cost, to snatch the decision to appoint the next secretary-general from Armenia. Pashinyan opposes him and counter offers. A decision is not arrived. Armenia refuses to give in and a consensus is not reached.

CST0 is an intergovernmental military security alliance. Each one of them is responsible for safeguarding the security of its member. If any one of the member countries is attacked, all are expected to join to safeguard the country’s security. Azerbaijan is not a member of CSTO. But lo and behold it is a favorite among some of the organization’s member countries. The day after the closed-door meeting, Belarus’s perpetual president invited the Ambassador of Azerbaijan in Minsk and conveyed to him the deliberations of the closed-door meeting. At least that is what the television and other news outlets of Belarus report. 

Consequently, in plain daylight, the closed-door deliberations of the CSTO’s member countries are conveyed to a country that is an enemy of a member country. Pashinyan, in no uncertain term, condemned the conveying of the behind-door deliberations of the member countries to the ambassador of Azerbaijan and tells the members that no one henceforth has the right to treat Armenia in such a manner. The spokesperson of Belarus responded in a diplomatically uncalled manner. It is clear. Lukasheno’s ally is not the organization member Armenia. It is Azerbaijan. So is Khazakhstan’s. 

This is how the “allies” of Armenia, Belarus and Khazakhstan, are. Four years ago it was Khazakhstan that dictated Armenia the conditions for its membership preconditioning it with the exclusion of Karabagh. Nowadays the president of an allied country conveys the behind the door deliberations of the member countries to Azerbaijan that is at war with a member country, Armenia. 

These are no new revelations here. It was well known that EEU and CSTO are nothing else but agents on the world scene that serve Russia’s historical imperial mindedness. The countries that make up these two organizations do not have a common political mission. They do not have the same security goals. They do not even have a common economic vision. The saddest reality is that Armenia has been forced to become members to these organizations, made up of tyrannical rulers, at the expense of its own interests accepting the sale to Azerbaijan weapons of mass destruction and public humiliation. 

Unfortunately the previous rulers of Armenia saw that the interest of Armenia is better served by serving the interests of their “allied” countries. They considered it to be a sound diplomacy arguing to us that the interests of Armenia are nowhere else other than subjugating ourselves to the conditions imposed upon us.

Before seeing the salvation of Armenia in EEU and CSTO alliances, it behooves us to ask how have the member countries accepted and viewed Armenia? Have they forcefully condemned Azerbaijan for continually attacking Armenian border village? Have they ceased arming Azerbaijan with weapons of mass destruction? Have they respected the right of people of Arstakh for self-determination? Have they taken into consideration Armenia’s unique geography and its special trade needs with neighboring countries?  What we have witnessed in the behaviors of Lukashenka and Nazar prove the contrary.

Consequently, of what grand diplomacy are we talking about? Is demanding a country’s right to exist a grand diplomacy? It is time that these countries treat Armenia as an ally of equal footing. From this standpoint Pashinyan is right when he squarely confronts president of Belarus serenading Azerbaijan and demands explanation. He should demand explanation because that is what, first and foremost, the interests of Armenia dictate. Otherwise Armenia’s membership to EEU and CSTO makes no sense.

Raffi Doudaklian "

                                            **********

Ի՞ՆՉ ՄԻԱՑԵԱԼ ՊԱՇՏՊԱՆՈՒԹԻՒՆ, Ի՞ՆՉ ԱՆՎՏԱՆԳՈՒԹԻՒՆ

Մայիս 29, 2014-ին էր. Հայաստանի նախագահ Սերժ Սարգսեանը Ղազախստանի մայրաքաղաք Աստանա մեկնած էր, մասնակցելու՝ մաքսային միութեան անդամ երկիրներու գագաթաժողովին: Հայաստանը, միութեան պայմանագիրը ստորագրելէ ետք, 1 Յունուար, 2015-էն սկսեալ պիտի դառնար մաքսային միութեան անդամ: Գագաթաժողովին ներկայ էին բնականաբար Ռուսաստանի, Բելառուսի, Ղազախստանի եւ Կիրքիզիստանի նախագահները: Ժողովը կը սփռուէր կենդանի՝ միութեան անդամ բոլոր երկիրներուն մէջ:

Ղազախստանի նախագահ Նուրսուլթան Նազարբաեւը, գագաթաժողովի հիւրընկալը, հանդիսաւոր կերպով բեմ բարձրացաւ: Նախկին սովետի երկիրներու ղեկավարներուն յատուկ խոժոռ եւ անհաղորդ դէմքով խօսեցաւ Մաքսային Միութեան մասին, միութիւն մը, որուն անդամակցելու յայտ ներկայացուցած էր Հայաստանը եւ պիտի ստորագրէր համապատասխան պայմանագիրը: Նազարբաեւը յանկարծ սկսաւ արտայայտուիլ Հայաստանի միութեան միանալու պայմաններուն մասին, խօսքը ուղղելով նախագահ Սերժ Սարգսեանի: Մենք, ըսաւ Նազարբաեւ, նամակ ստացած ենք Ադրբեջանի նախագահ Իլհամ Ալիեւէն: Ան դէմ է, որ Հայաստանը Եւրասիական տնտեսական միութեան միանայ Ղարաբաղի հետ միասին: Մենք չենք կրնար ընդունիլ Ղարաբաղի ներկայութիւնը միութենէն ներս: Նախապայմանը յստակ է, Հայաստանը միութեան կրնայ միանալ միայն առանց Ղարաբաղի:

Հայաստանի նախագահը ձայն ու ծպտուն չհանեց, հակառակ ստեղծուած խայտառակ վիճակին, մանաւանդ երբ Նազարբաեւը կը փոխանցէր Ադրբեջանի՛ նախագահին նախապայմանը, ի՛ր իսկ խոստովանութեամբ: Նամակ ստացած էր Բաքուէն եւ պատգամը յստակ էր...

Բացայայտ էր, սակայն, Սերժ Սարգսեանի վրդովմունքը, բայց ի՞նչ կրնար ընել ղեկավար մը, որ իր իսկ խոստովանութեամբ, մէկ գիշերուան մէջ որոշած էր Հայաստանը միացնել սովորական բռնատէրեր եւ անյաջող տնտեսութիւններ ունեցող երկիրներու մաքսային միութեան: Ի՞նչ կրնար, երբ այնտեղ էր ինք, խումբ մը բռնատէրերու ակումբին դրան առջեւ կանգնած, անդամակցութեան խնդրագիրը ձեռքը տրուած: Այնտեղ էր ներկայացնելու երկիր մը ու ժողովուրդ մը ամբողջ, բայց ժողովուրդը իր հետ չէր, իր կողքին չէր, իրեն նեցուկ չէր, նոյնիսկ եթէ հասկացողութեամբ կ'ընդունէր մաքսային միութեան միանալու անակնկալ որոշումը: Եւ այսպէս, Սերժ Սարգսեանը կուլ տուաւ Նազարբաեւի անարգանքը: Ոչ մէկ բառ արտասանեց եւ լուռ ու մունջ վերադարձաւ Հայաստան, ուր արդէն ոչ ոք կը սպասէր իր արդարացումներուն, քանի որ արդէն բոլորն ալ սկսած էին համոզուիլ, որ խեղճ ու թոյլ, անտէր ու անտիրական է Հայաստանը եւ միշտ ալ կախեալ պիտի մնայ Եւրասիական մաքսային միութեան բռնատէրերու ողորմութենէն: Չէ՞ որ նոյն այդ երկիրներն էին նաեւ Ադրբեջանը զինողները...

Հիմա վերադառնանք մեր օրերուն, մի քանի օր առաջ տեղի ունեցած դէպքերուն: Այս անգամ Հաւաքական Անվտանգութեան Պայմանագրի Կազմակերպութեան (ՀԱՊԿ) գաղգաթնաժողովն է, Հաւաքուած են նոյն երկիրները, Տաճիկիստանն ու Ուզբեկիստանը նաեւ: Բոլոր երկիրները՝ բացի Հայաստանէն, մենատիրական-դիկտատորական երկիրներ են: Ամբողջ աշխարհը գիտէ, որ այս ղեկավարները ժողովրդավարութեան մօտ են այնքան, որքան լուսինը՝ մեր մոլորակին: Օրակարգի գլխաւոր թեմաներէն մէկը՝ ՀԱՊԿ-ի գլխաւոր քարտուղարի ընտրութիւնն է: Նախկին գլխաւոր քարտուղարը՝ Խաչատուրովը, պաշտօնէն հրաժարած էր, որովհետեւ դատական շատ լուրջ խնդիրներ ունի Հայաստանի մէջ: Իսկ հիմա՝ Բելառուսի նախագահը կը պնդէ, որ նոր Ընդհանուր Քարտուղար ունենալու իրաւունքը իրն է, հակառակ անոր, որ Խաչատուրով պիտի պաշտօնավարէր մինչեւ 2020: Բայց Նիկոլ Փաշինեան կը հակառակի Բելառուսին եւ կը շեշտէ, որ յառաջիկայ երկու տարիներուն ընդհանուր քարտուղարութիւնը Հայաստանին պիտի մնայ: Իսկ օրէնսդրութիւնը յստակ չէ, Ռուսաստանը լուռ է, հաւանաբար կ'ուզէ Հայաստանը անկիւն հրուած տեսնել, ինչպէս որ ըրաւ Սերժ Սարգսեանին՝ 4 տարի առաջ: Կը սկսի դռնփակ նիստը, որ ըստ մամուլին սպրդած որոշ տեղեկութիւններու, կ'ընթանայ բաւական լարուած մթնոլորտի մէջ: Բելառուսի մենատէրը, յաւերժ նախագահ Ալեքսանդր Լուկաշէնկոն ամէն գնով կ'ուզէ Հայաստանէն խլել ընդհանուր քարտուղար նշանակելու իրաւունքը: Փաշինեան կ'ընդիմանայ ու կը հակադարձէ: Որոշում չի կայացուիր, քանի որ Հայաստան կը մերժէ տեղի տալ եւ համախոհութիւն տեղի չունենար:

ՀԱՊԿ-ը հաւաքական պաշտպանութեան դաշինք է: Բոլորը պատասխանատու են իրենց անդամներու պաշտպանութեան: Եթէ մէկ երկիր ենթարկուի յարձակման, բոլորը պարտաւոր են միանալու այդ երկրի պաշտպանութեան: ՀԱՊԿ-ի անդամ չէ Ադրբեջանը: Բայց եկուր տես, որ ՀԱՊԿ-ի որոշ անդամներու սիրելին է: Բելառուսի յաւերժ նախագահը գագաթժողովի յաջորդ օրն իսկ հանդիպման կը հրաւիրէ Մինսկի մէջ Ադրբեջանի դեսպանը եւ տեղեկութիւններ կը փոխանցէ ՀԱՊԿ-ի դռնփակ նիստին մասին: Գոնէ այդպէս կը հաղորդեն Բելառուսի հեռուստացոյցն ու միւս լրատուամիջոցները:

Ուրեմն, օր ցերեկով, դաշնակից երկիրներու փակ նիստի տեղեկութիւնները կը փոխանցուի ՀԱՊԿ-ի անդամ երկրի մը թշնամին հանդիսացող պետութեան ներկայացուցիչին: Փաշինեան խստօրէն կը դատապարտէ, ու կը յիշեցնէ, որ այլեւս ոչ ոք իրաւունք ունի Հայաստանին հետ այդպէս վարուելու, իսկ Բելառուսի բանբերը կը պատասխանէ դիւանագիտական շատ անպատշաճ լեզուով: Պարզ է՝ Լուկաշէնկոյի դաշնակիցը ՀԱՊԿ-ի իր գործընկեր Հայաստանը չէ, Ադրբեջանն է: Նոյնպէս եւ Ղազախստանինը:

Այսպէս են Հայաստանի «դաշնակիցները», Բելառուսն ու Ղազախստանը: 4 տարի առաջ Ղազախստանն էր, որ մաքսային միութեան Հայաստանի անդամակցութիւնը կը պայմանաւորէր Արցախի դուրս-մղումով, իսկ այսօր՝ Հայաստանի հետ հաւաքական պաշտպանութեան դաշինք կնքած երկրի նախագահը՝ Հայաստանի հետ պատերազմի մէջ գտնուող երկրին տեղեկութիւններ կը փոխանցէ ՀԱՊԿ-ի փակ նիստին մասին:

Նորութիւն չէ, վաղուց արդէն յայտնի էր, որ թէ՛ մաքսային միութիւնը կամ Եւրասիական Տնտեսական Միութիւնը (ԵԱՏՄ) եւ թէ՛ ՀԱՊԿ-ը այլ բան չեն, քան միջազգային բեմին վրայ նախկին կայսերական դիրքերուն վերատիրանալու ռուսական նկրտումներուն ծառայող գործիքներ: Այնտեղ հաւաքուած երկիրները չունին քաղաքական միացեալ օրակարգ, չունին պաշտպանական միեւնոյն նպատակներ, չունին նոյնիսկ տնտեսական միասնական քաղաքականութիւն ու զարգացման տեսլական: Իսկ ամէնէն ցաւալին այն է, որ Հայաստանը մինչեւ վերջերս մենատիրական երկիրներու այս ակումբներուն մէջ շարունակաբար գտնուած էր սեփական շահերը զիջելու պարտադրանքին տակ՝ ընդունելով Ադրբեջանի համատարած քանդումի զէնքերու վաճառքը, դաշնակիցներու ճնշումները եւ հանրային արհամարական վերաբերմունքը: Դժբախտաբար, մեր երկրի նախկին իշխանաւորները, Հայաստանի շահերու պաշտպանութիւնը տեսած էին գլխաւորաբար «դաշնակից» երկիրներուն շահերուն սպասարկելու մէջ եւ սա համարած էին ու կը համարեն հասուն դիւանագիտութիւն, մեր բոլորին համոզելով, որ Հայաստանի շահերը այլ տեղ չեն գտնուիր, պէտք է ենթարկուիլ մեզի պարտադրուած պայմաններուն:

Բայց նախքան ՀԱՊԿ-ի եւ ԵԱՏՄԻ-ի մէջ Հայաստանի փրկութիւնն ու քաղաքական-տնտեսական շահը տեսնելը, արժէ նախ տեսնել, թէ այդ կազմակերպութիւններուն անդամները ինչպէ՞ս ընդունած են եւ կ'ընդունին Հայաստանը: Խստօրէն դատապարտա՞ծ են անոնք Հայաստանի սահմանային գիւղերուն վրայ ադրբեջանական յարձակումները, դադրեցուցա՞ծ են Ադրբեջանին մասսայական քանդումի զէնքերու մատակարարումը, յարգա՞ծ են Արցախի ժողովուրդին ինքնորոշման իրաւունքը, նկատի առա՞ծ են Հայաստանի աշխարհագրական իւրայատուկ դիրքը եւ տնտեսական իւրայատուկ յարաբերութիւններու անհրաժեշտութիւնը... Այն, ինչ որ տեսած ենք Նազարբաեւի եւ Լուկաշէնկոյի վերաբերմունքին մէջ, պարզապէս հակառակը կը փաստեն:

Ուրեմն ի՞նչ դիւանագիտութեան մասին է խօսքը: Երկրի մը գոյութեան իրաւունքը ընդունիլ տալը դիւանագիտական նուաճու՞մ է: Ժամանակն է, արդէն, որ այս երկիրները Հայաստանին վերաբերին հաւասարէ հաւասար, իբրեւ իսկական դաշնակիցներ: Եւ այս իմաստով շատ ճիշդ կ'ընէ Նիկոլ Փաշինեանը, երբ յստակօրէն կը հակադրուի Բելառուսի նախագահին եւ Ադրբեջանի հետ իր սիրաբանութեան համար հաշիւ կը պահանջէ: Ու պէ՛տք է պահանջէ, քանի որ այդպէս կը պահանջեն նախ եւ առաջ Հայաստանի՛ շահերը: Այլապէս, ոչ մէկ իմաստ ունի ՀԱՊԿ-ին կամ ԵԱՏՄ-ին Հայաստանի անդամակցութիւնը:

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