Why I root for Mer Hayrenik ?

Why I root for Mer Hayrenik?
Vahe H. Apelian

Ever since Mer Hayrenik was re-adopted as the national anthem, albeit with slightly modified lyrics, there has been a school of thought that advocates changing it in favor of the Soviet Armenian anthem. Obviously, those who propose the change agree that the lyrics  of the Soviet Armenia anthem will have to be changed but the music should be retained because, they claim, it is a grander and a more upbeat sounding music than the My Hayrenik music and is composed by Aram Khachaturian. As the saying goes, beauty is in the eyes of the beholder or gazer, so is music is in the ears of the listeners. There cannot be an argument against it.

But the issue becomes murky when the same camp attempts to present its preference as an outcome of supposedly sound logic that change in favor of Aram Khachaturian’s music is warranted. They present an important argument for its favor but do not substantiate it. They claim that the music of Soviet Armenia anthem is based on the Armenian liturgical music but produce no evidence to substantiate it. It is highly improbable the devout communist Aram Khatchadurian was, would have composed the music of Soviet Armenia's anthem on a religious based music be it Armenian and claimed that it had done so. The Armenian version of Wikipedia claims that the Soviet Armenia anthem's music is based on the third act of Khachaturian's famed ballet Gayane'. Does not that sound more plausible? I believe it does.

Another argument the advocates for Soviet Armenia's version claim is that Mer Hayrenik is way too partisan. They claim that it favors the A.R.F. Furthermore they ascribe the A.R.F.’s stand in favor of retaining Mer Hayrenik to the party imposing its preference upon the rest of the Armenians. A cartoonist by the name Sevag posted a cartoon in Keghart.com likening an A.R.F. member to a mustachoed petty character pushing the luminaries Aram Khatchadurian, Gomidas Vartabed in favor of the low life's favored partisan Mer Hayrenik. That argument, however presented and depicted as a distasteful cartoon, cannot be historically substantiated.

A cursory search indicates that Michael Nalbandian wrote Mer Hayrenik in 1859. He passed away in 1866. It appears that it became a favored folk song for it was produced on stage in Tiflis in 1885. We all know that the Federation of the Armenian Revolutionaries was founded in 1890, thirty-one years after the publication of the Mer Hyernik. A year or two after its founding, the name of the newly formed federation evolved into the Armenian Revolutionary Federation we know today.

Some argue that there is pervasive melancholy in Mer Hyernik, both in its lyrics and its music. Again if it sounds that way for a listener, it is then what it is for them. But the lyrics seem to echo our innate sentiments so much so that we have carried Mer Hayrenik from its inception in the 19th century to the 21st century. I cannot otherwise explain the longevity of Mer Hayrenik.

To substantiate my argument about the sentiments evoked in Mer Hayrenik resonating with us, I bring to the attention of the readers another contemporary of Michael Nalbandian (1829-1866), Rafael Badganian (1830-1892). He remains more reknowned by his pen name Kamar Katiba . His poetry exudes the same overall sentiments as in Mer Hayrenik. Two of Kamar Katiba's poems are sung to this day, although to a lesser extent.  But both were more commonly heard during my younger years. One of them is called "Are we to remain silent?" and the other is titled "The Clouds Went Silent". 

In the song "Are we to remain silent" (Հիմի է՞լ Լռենք – Hemi El Lrenk), the author poignantly laments that our cries are not being heard and that the enemy has pointed his deadly sword at our chest, then asks, "are we to remain silent, brothers?" I quote a segment of the poetry and translate it for explanatory purposes and not in an attempt also to retain its elegance as a poem. The song can be heard on Youtube.

Հիմի է՞լ լռենք, եղբարք, հիմի է՞լ, (Are we to remain silent anew, brothers?)

Երբ մեր թշնամին իր սուրն է դրել, (When the enemy has put its sword)

Իր օրհասական սուրը մեր կրծքին, (His deadly sword on our chest)

Ականջ չի դնում մեր լաց ու կոծին: (He does not heed to our cries and laments)

Ասացէ՛ք, եղբարք, հայեր, ի՞նչ անենք, (Tell me brothers, what should we do?)

Հիմի է՞լ լռենք: (Should we remain silent, this time too?)

His other poem, “Clouds Went Silent” (Լռեց Ամպեր – Lrets Amber), turned into a song as well, Kamar Katiba begs the moon, not the sun, to shed light on the miserable state of his nation. I quote a segment of that poem and translate it for the said purpose. The song can be heard on Youtube.

Նորա տխրամած դէմքը նայելիս` (Looking at its (moon’s) sad face)

Յիշում եմ թշուառ վիճակը ազգիս (I remember the miserable state of my race)

Ա՛խ, ցոլա՛, փայլէ՛, տխրադէմ լուսին, (ah, illuminate, shine, sad faced moon)

Գուցէ՛ քու փայլից փայլ տաս եւ Հային (Perhaps from your luminance, you may also luniate the Armenian)

Let us take a big leap forward from Kamar Katiba's two poems, along with Mer Hayrenik, a century and more ago, to the “present”. The eminent and multi-talented present architect of the city of Yerevan, Arthur Mekhsyan, wrote a song in 1965, commemorating the 50^thanniversary of the Armenian Genocide, and titled it "Where were you, God?" (Ո՞ւր Էիր Աստուած-  Our Eyer Asdvants). The song became an instant hit and remains a popular song. The song echoes similar sentiments. I quote a segment of the lyrics and translate it for explanatory purposes. The song can be heard on Youtube too.

Ո՞ւր էիր, Աստված- (Where were you, God?)

Երբ ավերում էին չքնաղ մի երկիր, (When they were sacking a beautiful country)

Ո՞ւր էիր, Աստված- (Where were you, God?)

Երբ, խենթացած ցավից, աղաչում էինք - Ամեն... (When driven to madness because of the pain, we were begging - Amen)

Ո՞ւր էիր, Աստված- (Where were you, God?)….

I quote these popular songs to make a point. Like Mer Hayrenik, these songs may not sound as upbeat as the Soviet Armenia anthem but they resonate with us because they reflect our inner sentiments. I can ascribe no other explanation for their longevities.

I was born a few years after the Soviet Armenia anthem or hymn, as it is often referred to. During those past fifty to sixty years, I never heard Soviet Armenia anthem sung as a natural outburst during a get-together, but I have heard Mer Hayrenik sung. I have never encountered an Armenian family play Soviet Armenia anthem just for the pleasure of hearing it; but I have for the Mer Hayrenik and the other similar themed songs I mentioned. Why? Because I believe that Soviet Armenia anthem carries an artificial optimism that characterized the Soviet era. I do not mean to imply that the Soviet era did not bring tangible benefits. It sure did. However, that grand vision; that unprecedented social experiment failed the test of time. Consequently the anthem, both in music and in lyrics that personified the Soviet Armenian era, failed too, but Mer Hayrenik retained its popular appeal and yes, it can and is sung with gusto.  

That is why I root for Mer Hayrenik.

REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA’S ECONOMIC STATUS IN THE BEGINNING OF 1919 and THE U.S. HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE

Garo Armenian

Translated by Vahe H. Apelian

This important historical episode in the life of the Republic of Armenia was posted by Garo Armenian on his Facebook page on February 23, 2019 and was titled “REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA’S ECONOMIC STATUS IN THE BEGINNING OF 1919”. The original text is also attached.

Prime Minister Hovhannes Kachaznouni and the U.S. Food Administration Director and later President Herbert Hoover

The Republic Of Armenia was confronted with a widespread famine during the beginning of 1919. The government’s efforts to secure aid from outside had not resulted in any appreciative quantity of help. The Caucasus was under the occupation of the British forces. It was natural that the government of the Republic of Armenia would have expected that the British would be the first to extend help to ameliorate the dire conditions. The British response was rather passive and largely inadequate. The meager assistance the British provided from their reserves was not enough to make a dent in the prevailing condition.

It was under such circumstances that the government decided to immediately dispatch a delegation to the United States of America headed by the Prime Minister Kachaznouni. But for a long time the British occupying forces hindered the departure of the Armenian delegation. After a long delay, on April 16, the delegation received permission from the British forces to depart. Accompanying the Prime Minister were the Minister of Finance Ardashes Enfeyadjian, economist Haroutiun Pilarian and military officer Souren Melikian.

I quote Simon Vratsian’s testimony

“The government’s delegation, the appeals by the government and the support of the Diaspora eventually were heard and aid was quickly dispatched. This time around it was the United States of America, the director of the U.S. Food Administration, Hoover, the one who salvaged Europe after the war, who became the real savior of the people of Armenia. Whatever happens, however we regard America’s role in the Armenian Question, we do not forget nor should we forget the U.S. humanitarian assistance to Armenia and the provisions they provided.   

The first American boat arrived to Batumi on March 21 carrying 125,000 sacks of flour. A week later another shipment of 600,000 sacks of flour arrived. To transport the provision, the American government requested from the Armenian Government 579 train wagons and 14 locomotives at a time when all that the Armenian Government had was 16 locomotives and 520 train wagons. The intervention of the American and the British governments was needed. For four days human traffic over the Armenian rail lines was halted and all facilities were appropriated for the transpiration of the flour only.

With the arrival of the American flour, the famine slowly started receding. The country started to embark on its normal course. The people and the government started to devote themselves towards reconstruction and structuring of the governance.” (Republic of Armenia, 2^ndedition, Lebanon).

This episode of the American humanitarian assistance reveals the precarious state of land locked Armenia. By the current standards of accepted norms for international relations, preventing a government’s delegation seeking humanitarian assistance would be incomprehensible, especially when the delegation’s mission has to do with an ongoing dire humanitarian crisis. Of course the indifference of the British occupying forces towards the prevailing famine in Armenia is totally unacceptable. It is up to the present day historians to shed light on the prevailing real underlying issues.

Garo Armenian 

ՀԱՅԱՍՏԱՆԻ ՀԱՆՐԱՊԵՏՈՒԹԵԱՆ ՏՆՏԵՍԱԿԱՆ ՎԻՃԱԿԸ 1919-Ի ՍԿԻԶԲԸ...

1919-ի սկիզբը, Հանրապետութիւնը կը գտնուէր համատարած սովի ճիրաններուն մէջ։ Կառավարութեան սկզբնական փորձերը արտաքին աշխարհէն օգնութիւն ստանալու լուրջ արդիւնք չտուին։ Կովկասեան տարածաշրջանը կը գտնուէր անգլիական ուժերու գրաւման ծիրին մէջ և բնականաբար ՀՀ կառավարութիւնը կը յուսար, որ անգլիացի՛ք ըլլային գործնականօրէն արձագանգողը ստիպողական այս կացութեան, բայց անգլիացիք մնացին լայնօրէն կրաւորական։ Այն օգնութիւնը, որ տրամադրուեցաւ անգլիական ուժերու պահեստներէն շատ հեռու էր լուծում բերելու հարցին։

Այս պայմաններուն մէջ էր, որՅունուարի 22-ի կառավարութեան նիստին որոշուեցաւ անյապաղ պատուիրակութիւն ուղարկել Ամերիկա Վարչապետ Քաջազնունիի գլխաւորութեամբ։ Եւ սակայն Թիֆլիսի անգլիական իշխանութիւնները երկարժամանակ խափանեցին պատուիրակութեան երթը դէպի Ամերիկա։ Ապրիլի 16-ին էրմիայն, որպատուիրակութիւնը արտօնութիւն ստացաւ մեկնելու։ Վարչապետ Քաջազնունիին կ՚ընկերանային Ելևմտական ՆախարարԱ. Էնֆիաջեան, գիւղատնտես Յ. Փիրալեան և սպայ Ս. Մելիքեան։

Կը մէջբերեմ Սիմոն Վրացեանի վկայութիւնը՝

«...Հայաստանի Խորհրդի ու կառավարութեան դիմումները, ինչպէս նաև արտասահմանում կատարուած աշխատանքները, վերջապէս լսուեցին և օգնութիւնը չուշացաւ։ Այս անգամ օգնութեան հասնողը Ամերիկան էր՝ Միացեալ Նահանգների պարենաւորմանդիկտատոր(պէտք է ըլլայ «դիրեկտոր», Director of U.S. Food Administration) Հուվէրը, Եւրոպայի փրկիչը յետպատերազմեան սովից։ Հուվէրը եղաւ և Հայաստանի ժողովրդի իրական փրկիչը։ Ինչ և լինի մերվերաբերումըդէպի Ամերիկայի քաղաքական դերը հայկական խնդրում, ամերիկեան մարդասիրական նպաստն ու պարէնը երբեք չենք մոռանայ, չպէտք է մոռանանք։

Մայիսի քսանին Բաթում եկաւ ամերիկեան առաջին նաւը 125,000 փութ ալիւրով, մի շաբաթ անցած, հասաւ ևս 600,000 փութ։ Այդմթերքը Հայաստան փոխադրելու համարվրաց կառավարութիւնը հայկական կառավարութիւնից պահանջեց 579 վագոն և 14 շոգեշարժ, ա՛յն ժամանակ, երբ Հայաստանի ունեցած վագոնների ընդհանուրթիւը 520 էրև շոգեշարժներինը՝ 16։ Պէտք եղաւ ամերիկացիների և անգլիացիների միջամտութիւնը, չորս օրով կանգնեցուեց Հայաստանի երկաթուղային մարդատարհաղորդակցութիւնը և բոլորմիջոցները յատկացուեցին ալիւրի փոխադրութեան։

Ամերիկեան ալիւրի հասնելով՝ կամաց-կամաց սովը մեղմացաւ, երկիրը սկսեց մտնել բնականոն հունի մէջ, և ժողովուրդն ու կառավարութիւնը կարողացան նուիրուել երկրի վերաշինութեան ու պետութեան կազմակերպման գործին։ » («Հայաստանի Հանրապետութիւն», Բ. Տիպ, Պէյրութ)

Ամերիկեան մարդասիրական օգնութեան հետ կապուած այս դրուագը նաև կը բացայայտէ Հայաստանի շրջափակուած կացութիւնը 1919-ին։ Այսօրուան միջազգային յարաբերութիւններու ընդունուած կանոնակարգով, բացարձակապէս անհասկնալի է պետական պատուիրակութեան մը վրայ դրուած ճանապարհորդութեան արգելքը։ Մանաւանդերբ առաքելութիւնը կապ ունի մարդասիրական ճգնաժամի մը հետ։ Եւ, անշուշտ, բացարձակապէս անընդունելի է անգլիական գրաւման իշխանութիւններու կրաւորականութիւնը Հայաստանի սովի հարցին մէջ։ Նորօրերու պատմագիտութեան կ՚իյնայ բացայայտել իսկական դրդապատճառները այս խնդրին։

Կարօ Արմենեան

I was a Calouste Gulbenkian Scholarship Recipient

 Vahe H. Apelian, Boylston, MA

A few days ago I was perusing the 1965 Armenian Evangelical College High School yearbook, the year I graduated. It was customary the graduating student indicated in the yearbook the career the graduating student intended to pursue. Along with it choose a motto as the student's guiding principle. In my case, I have indicated pharmacy as my career choice. My motto, naturally stated in Armenian, I found out recently, is attributed to Walt Withman and reads: "Keep your face toward the sunshine and shadows will fall behind you". Surely easier said than done but it was during the Sixties, the era of Mary Hopkins' famed song, "Those Were the Days", whose lyrics boastfully said: "We'd live the life we choose; We'd fight and never lose; For we were young and sure to have our way."

Fortunately, the gods of good fortune during those crucial years in a person's life turned out to be in my favor. I successfully passed the American University of Beirut entrance examinations and was accepted to continue my education there. Much like the parents of any college-bound student, the tuition cost was a big concern to my parents as well. My parents covered my freshman year tuition thanks partly to financial assistance from my mother's maternal uncles in America and financial assistance I received from the University. During my freshmen year, I also applied to the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation for the financial assistantship and was granted one. I also was among three dozens or so students out of many applicants who were accepted to the School of Pharmacy, having completed their sophomore diploma in arts and sciences. 

Consequently my Sophomore year and the following four years in the School of Pharmacy, five years in total, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation covered my tuition having awarded me full scholarship that not only covered my tuition cost, but every semester left enough money to buy the textbooks, a shirt, a pair of pants and a pair of shoes from the upscale "Red Shoe" store in Beirut. 

Calouste Gulbenkian scholarship thus assured continuing my college education to its completion and made my college years memorable and enjoyable. Unburdened from financial worries, I became involved both in student organizations and extracurricular activities. I was elected as the class representative to the school of pharmacy student board. I was also elected to chair arguably the oldest Armenian student association in the Diaspora, the A.R.F. Zavarian Student Association.

As I look back and reminisce of those days, I realize that a good number of Armenian students of my generation, in the American University of Beirut were also recipients of the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation scholarship.  These Armenian students studied agricultural, geology, medicine, engineering, pharmacy, physics, chemistry, nursing, mathematics, biology, business, and humanitarian studies. They were not only from Lebanon but also from Syria and from elsewhere also. I know for a fact that many of us as scholarship recipients would not have been able to have a college education in AUB had the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, headquartered in Lisbon, Portugal, not assured to defray our tuition costs. Most of Calouste Gulbenkian scholarship recipients of my generation, I presume, ended or are in the process ending their careers.  

But a few others and I were more fortunate than the rest. After my B.S. in Pharmacy, I was granted a teaching assistantship and stipend to pursue a master's degree in science. In 1972 the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation invited me and four other Armenian graduate students from AUB, who were also former recipients of Gulbenkian Scholarship during their undergraduate years, for a summer-long training placing each one of us in a different class in the Foundation's science institute. Along with me were Arpi Darakjian, the sister of Nazareth Darakjian, M.D, the president of AMAA; Ara Hovanessian who earned a Ph.D. in science and charted a reputable career as research director in the Institute of Pasteur. His breakthrough discovery in how the body responds to viral infection was heralded in NY Times. I do not remember the names of the other two, other than the first name of one of them, Sirvart.  In Lisbon, we met Mr. Keshishian and Mr. Mavlian. They were the directors of the Armenian Department of the Foundation. They were just names for us as we anxiously waited to hear their responses to our applications. They acted as gracious hosts to us, invited us to dinner and introduced us to an Armenian member of the governing board who was related to the founder Calouste Gulbenkian. He received us warmly and welcomed us. His endearing remark still rings in my ear: "Lisbon will be full of Armenians this summer". And when I fell sick, Calouste Gulbenkian's personal physician treated me.

We were immersed in our tasks in the Institute for the five days of the week and had the weekends off to do sightseeing. During one of these weekends, I visited the westernmost point of Europe, a place called Capo Da Roca that overlooked the turbulent waters below while the seemingly endless expense of the Atlantic Ocean came in full plain view.  The place symbolized the sea faring spirit of the Portuguese. At that moment I became reflective. In my small world, I thought I had come far, shouldered by my parents, many teachers and finally the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation that had enabled me to come thus far. I purchased a certificate attesting my visit there that I still keep it as a cherished remembrance. Little did I envision then that in a few years the world I knew would literary turn upside down in Lebanon due to the civil war that started in 1975. The education the Foundation had enabled me to receive qualified me for a preferential immigration visa to the hospitable shores of the United States, where, like many other Calouste Gulbenkian scholarship recipients, I also settled, married and raised our family and in time had our parents join us. 

We also visited the Foundation's headquarters in Lisbon, attended cultural events there, and visited the museum which houses Calouste Gulbenkian's private collection of ancient artifacts and art. 

It will be the understatement of all times when I say that Mr. Calouste Gulbenian was no ordinary man. But I am not referring to his immense wealth as one of the richest man the financial world has had. He was, after all, the famed Mr. 5%. What I mean to say is that upon reading his son Noubar's, autobiography, "Portrait in Oil", I learned a lot more about the person he was. Calouste Gulbenkian hailed from a well-to-do family and was a studious young man. He studied petroleum engineering and graduated first in his class when he still was in his late teens. His father sent him to Baku where he was apprenticed by the Armenian oil barons of the day such as Alexander Mantashev. By the age of 22, he had published about the state of the oil industry. He was a man who knew how to mine the richness of Mother Nature. In an analogous way, the Armenian Department of the charitable foundation he created mines for the potentials in the Armenian diaspora and enables them by assisting them financially. 

Calouste Gulbenkian continues to leave an indelible mark on the world scene through the foundation he established. Countless young men and women achieve their dreams of furthering their education because of the generosity of the Foundation. Many organizations contribute to society because of the financial assistance they receive from the Foundation. Witnessing the immense charitable organization Calouste Gulenbian has established in Portugal and realizing that the Armenian Department is but one of its many departments, the thought, I admit, did cross my mind as to the unprecedented benefits Armenians would have enjoyed had this immense institution primarily supported them. But I can safely say that the landscape of the Armenia Diaspora surely would not have been what it became, had the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation not enabled the education of many of us. I do not mean to say only to those during the years I studied in AUB but also before and later. 

Much has changed since my graduation. The tuition cost of the American University of Beirut nowadays is at least 20 to 30 times what it was in my days. The number of Armenians studying in AUB has nosedived precipitously.

Recently Dr. Razmig Panossian, a fellow Kessabtsi, was appointed as the director of the Armenian Department. The Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation continues to offer much-needed guidance and financial support towards various current causes and needs of the Armenian Diaspora. 

Armenians First Christians to raise up Arms in Defense of their Right to Worship

Dr. Antranig Chalabian, USA

This blog is a reproduction of Dr. Antranig Chalabian's article titled "In 451, Armenians were the first Christians to take up arms in defending their right to worship"  from  Military History magazine. 

"The year 428 ad brought an end to Armenia's Arsacid (Arshakuni) monarchy, which had ruled the country since 52 ad, when its founder, Trdat I, received his crown from the Roman emperor Nero. Most of Armenia then fell under the rule of the Persian Sassanids and was governed by marzbans (governors-general), appointed by the king of Persia. The marzban was invested with supreme power, including the power to impose death sentences, but could not interfere with the privileges of the Armenian nobility. Of the 35 successive marzbans who ruled during a 200-year period, six were Armenians. 

In spite of the Arsacid monarchy's demise, the Armenians preserved their cultural identity through the spiritual power of their Christian faith. King Trdat III (286¬336) had declared Christianity to be the state religion in 301 ad, thereby making Armenia the first officially Christian nation on earth. (The first Christian emperor of Rome, Constantine the Great, did not announce his conversion until 312.) Following the invention of the Armenian alphabet in 405, the Bible and works of the church fathers were translated into Armenian between 422 and 432, filling the soul of the nation with a fervent Christian zeal. 

During the marzbanic period, the Persians launched a series of intermittent persecutions against the Christian Armenians. In particular, King Yazdegird II (438¬457), wanted to pressure the Armenians to accept Zoroastrianism, which included the worship of the supreme god Ahura Mazda. By doing so, he hoped to prevent any future alliance based on religion between the Armenians and Persia's archenemy, the Eastern Roman Empire. 

Yazdegird called the Armenian nobles to his court at Ctesiphon. Mihr-Nerseh, the grand vizier, promulgated an edict enjoining the Armenians to give up "the erroneous and foolish ways of the Romans, thus depriving themselves of the benefits of the Persian perfect religion." 

After returning to their country in 449, the Armenians held a general assembly in Artashat to ponder an answer to the edict. Catholicos Hovsep presided over the meeting. It was attended by 17 bishops, 18 major nakharars (feudal lords), many noblemen and prominent priests, whose spokesman was the Erets (priest) Ghevond. 

The Armenians' reply to Mihr-Nerseh concluded with the following words: "From this belief [Christianity] no one can move us; neither fire, nor sword, nor water, nor any other horrid tortures. All our goods and our possessions are in your hands, our bodies are before you; dispose of them as you will. If you leave us to our belief, we will here on earth choose no other lord in your place, and in heaven choose no other God in place of Jesus Christ, for there is no other God but him." 

When the Persian king was informed of their rejection, he flew into a rage and sent an order for the chief dignitaries of Armenia to appear before him in Ctesiphon. Fifteen came, headed by Vassak Siuni and Vardan Mamikonian. Before receiving them in audience, Yazdegird had sworn "by the Sun God, that if tomorrow morning, at the rise of the magnificent one [the sun], the nobles would not kneel before it with him, and acknowledge it as god, they would be imprisoned and chained, their wives and children exiled into distant lands, and the imperial troops and herds of elephants would be sent to Armenia to demolish their churches."  

The dignitaries opted to make a pretense of yielding, for the sake of their homes and families. Yazdegird, in great joy, heaped honors and gifts upon them and sent them off to Armenia accompanied by 700 Magi, to convert the entire country to Zoroastrianism, or Mazdaism. 

Scarcely had the strange cavalcade crossed the frontier, 420 miles east of Dvin, when a horde of Armenian peasants, armed with clubs and slings and led by the fiery priest Ghevond, assailed the trespassers and sent them fleeing. 

The Armenian leaders, most of them ashamed of their sham apostasy, avoided appearing in public. Many young men and women were ready to fight and die for their Christian faith if the Persian king made good his threat of an armed invasion. They had implicit confidence in their commander, Vardan Mamikonian. 

Vardan was the son of Sparapet (general) Hamazasp Mamikonian and Sahakanush, the daughter of the Catholicos Sahak Bartev, a descendent of Gregory the Illuminator. The Roman Emperor Theodosius II (408¬450) and the Persian King Bahram V (421¬438) had both conferred the rank of general upon Vardan. He had visited Constantinople on diplomatic missions. As a commander of Armenian contingents of the Persian army, with a record of service in 40 engagements, he had won laurels in campaigns in Khorassan (modern Turkestan). 

With war now inevitable, Vardan dispatched a delegation to the Eastern Roman court for help, but he was met with bitter disappointment. Atilla the Hun, ruling over a territory that stretched from the Caspian Sea to the Rhine, was threatening Constantinople. The Roman emperor had drained his meager treasury to purchase peace with the barbarian. As long as the Huns menaced the very gates of the capital, no Roman emperor dared irritate that other great enemy, the king of Persia. 

On Easter Day, April 13, 451, the Persian army, numbering 300,000 men, arrived at a location between Her and Zarevand (Khoy and Salmast in present-day Iran). The army's center was held by the division of the "Immortals"--10,000 horsemen. A herd of trained elephants, each carrying an iron tower full of bowmen, was another menace. The rear guard was reinforced by a column of elephants, on one of which, in a barbed tower, sat the commander, Mushkan Nusalavurd, viewing the entire battlefield and directing movements. 

The Armenian forces, comprised of 66,000 cavalry and infantry and accompanied by a considerable number of clergy, camped near the village of Avarair in the Plain of Shavarshakan (modern Maku, in the northwestern corner of Iran). The rivulet Ighmud ("muddy"), a tributary of the Araxes River, separated the two armies. 

On May 26, Vardan, who from childhood had been well versed in the Holy Scriptures, read aloud the heroic deeds of the Jewish Maccabees, who successfully fought against the Seleucid tyrant Anthiochus IV (175¬164 bc) in defense of their faith. Then Ghevond delivered a discourse. 

Eghishé, a contemporary chronicler, described the Battle of Avarair, to which he was an eyewitness: "One should have seen the turmoil of the great crisis and the immeasurable confusion on both sides, as they clashed with each other in reckless fury. The dull-minded became frenzied; the cowards deserted the fields; the brave dashed forward courageously, and the valiant roared. In a solid mass the great multitude held the river; and the Persian troops, sensing the danger, became restless in their places; but the Armenian cavalry crossed the river and fell upon them with a mighty force. They attacked each other fiercely and many on both sides fell wounded on the field, rolling in agony." 

Upon seeing his left flank crumbling before the Persians, Vardan led a counterattack that cut off and destroyed the Persian right wing. Mushkan, however, rallied his troops and committed his reserves. Vardan and his warriors were surrounded by the Persian vanguard and went down fighting. 

The battle continued until evening. By that time, 1,036 Armenians and 3,544 Persians lay dead in heaps on the battlefield. The survivors were scattered over the hilltops and in more protected valleys. Despite the heavier Persian casualties, Mushkan had won the day. Vardan had fallen in battle, and there was no longer any chief who could rally his remaining troops. 

Though beaten, however, the Armenian army was far from destroyed. Vahan Mamikonian, son of the great Vardan's brother Hmayak, took charge and led the Armenians in a guerrilla war that flared around strongholds and along impregnable heights for the next 33 years.

During that time, the Sassanids underwent three changes of rulers, and also had to deal with external conflicts with Rome and a new wave of eastern barbarians known as the Ephthalites, or White Huns. After the death of King Peroz at the hands of the White Huns in 484, his brother and successor, Balash, made a serious reassessment of the long, inconclusive conflict in Armenia and sued for peace. Vahan sent messengers to the Persian camp, with proposals for liberties in Armenia, the main one being: "Religious worship in accordance with Christian doctrines and rites to be declared free in Armenia, and fire altars to be removed." 

Balash accepted Vahan's terms, and in 484, a treaty was signed in the village of Nuwarsak. Vahan was appointed marzban of Armenia. His victory was celebrated in the Cathedral of Dvin, with the Catholicos Hovhan I Mandakuni (478¬490) officiating. Armenia had regained her autonomy and freedom of the national church and culture. Vahan ruled for 20 years (485¬505). 

Vardan Mamikonian's analogy comparing the Armenians' struggle to that of the Jewish Maccabees proved to be remarkably apt. In both cases, followers of the Bible had fought for the right to worship in the face of religious oppression, and in each case the long, protracted struggle ended in a negotiated settlement assuring those rights. Both struggles also produced martyred heroes--Judas Maccabee the Hammer and Vardan Mamikonian the Brave. 

The Vardanian War, as it came to be called in Vardan's honor, began on May 26, 451, but the Armenian church celebrates the event in February. In the past, spring was considered the season for warfare. Armenia's ecclesiastical fathers had decided to commemorate the event in February, before spring, in order to inspire the youth and prepare their minds for battle, in defense of church and fatherland.  "

Simon Simonian, The Last Scion of the Mountaineers

Simon Simonian, The Last Scion of the Mountaineers

Vahe H. Apelia

 

Simon Simonian was one of the towering intellects and literary figures of the post genocide Armenian Diaspora. He was an educator, publisher, editor, author, and an activist. He was born on March 24, 1914, in Aintab. His Sassoun-born father's name was Ove' (Օվէ). His mother's name was Menoush (Մենուշ). She hailed from Aintab. Sassoun was once an exclusively Armenian-inhabited highland while Aintab (now Gaziantep) had a large Armenian population. Simonian was their eldest child.

In 1921, having survived the Genocide, the family had found refuge in Aleppo. The future writer-publisher received his elementary education in that city in northern Syria. Subsequently, he attended (1930-1935) the newly established seminary of the Catholicosate of Cilicia in Antelias, Lebanon becoming one of its first students.

After graduating from the seminary he returned to Aleppo where he taught at the Gulbenkian and Haigazian Schools until 1946. During the war years, he established the "Sevan" Printing Press with a group of like-minded Armenian teachers.

At the invitation of Catholicos Karekin I Hovsepiants (1946), he moved to Lebanon where he taught at the catholicosate's seminary until 1955 and became the institute's scholar in residence. He also established a close personal and professional relationship with the Catholicos. His scholarly contributions during those years and later are far too numerous to list

In 1954 he visited Armenia as a member of the delegation representing the Catholicosate of Cilicia at the funeral of Catholicos Kevork VI Tcheorekdjian. At the time a visit to the Soviet republic was considered an extraordinary event. That visit became a life-altering experience for him. The following year he resigned from his positions at the catholicosate but continued teaching, part-time, for many years at the Armenian General Benevolent Union Hovagimian-Manougian Secondary School for Boys and at the Tarouhie Hagopian Secondary School for Girls.

 In 1955 he reestablished "Sevan' so as to have his own voice heard. Three years later he launched the "Spurk" literary magazine, which along with Antranig Dzarougian's "Nayiri" became prominent literary magazines and platforms for many authors and budding writers.

Along with his teaching and scholarly research, Simonian wrote Armenian history, geography and language textbooks for different grades. They were reprinted several times and became standard textbooks at Armenian schools across the Diaspora.

Simonian authored the following novels and collection of short stories: «կը Խնդրուի Խաչաձեւել» (Obstruction Requested, 1965), «Խմբապետ Ասլանի Աղջիկը» (Commander Aslan's Daughter, 1967), «Լեռնականերու Վերջալոյսը» (The Sunset of the Mountaineers, 1968), «Սիփանայ Քաջեր», (The Daredevils of Sipan, 1967-1970), «Լեռ եւ Ճակատագիր» (Mountain and Fate, 1972), «Անժամանդրոս» (UntimelyMan) (1978, 1998);

Simonian was not hamstrung by Armenian political partisanship. He possessed a too large personality and a streak of Sassountsi "free spirit" to be confined by partisanship. The only organization he belonged was the Sassountsi compatriotic organization. He even became a persona non grata in Soviet Armenia but his concern for all things Armenian resonated across the Diaspora political spectrum. I recall with fond memories the overwhelming popular reception he received in the social hall of New Jersey's St. Vartanants Cathedral when he and his wife toured the United States in the early '80s.

Reading his books makes it evident that  becomes apparent  that his paternal lineage from from the Armenian highland of Sassoun shaped his literary imagination and his perception of what an Armenian is or ought to be. Many of the stories of his books depict the once-proud mountaineers of Sassoun as heroes. Driven from their mighty highlands, the generous spirit of these proud mountaineers would find outlets as bakers in the bakeries they ran in Aleppo, setting up an authentic and unsurpassed tradition that continues to this day.

Simonian had a commanding presence even though he was not tall. Anyone who has called him couldn't forget his deep baritone that came over the wires with his customary greeting, voghjun (Ողջոյն). The closest word for it in English is 'salute' but surely his voghjuyn embodied more than a mere salutation.

Several times I had the pleasure of calling him at his office. When I recall those moments I realize that he must have assumed that his world was inhabited only by Armenians and hence "voghjuyn", rather than the universal "hello". The latter makes deference to the caller's native language and offers the courtesy of the doubt that the caller may not be an Armenian. But it was always voghjuyn for Simonian.

Simonian was married to Aleppo-born Mary Ajemian. Much like his heroes, she also hailed from a Sassountsi family. She was the sister of Kevork Ajemian, a well-known bilingual (Armenian and English) journalist and novelist. The Simonians had four sons (Hovig, Vartan, Daron, and Sassoun) and a daughter Maral.

Simonian died on his birthday on March 24, 1986. Armen Tarian's eulogy in "Zartonk" daily (March 29, 1986) borrowed Simonian's greeting and wrote: "Voghjuyn Simon. Sevan Press was his Sevan Lake. Not only the lake but simply its name would transform him".

Sevan Press published some 500 books, in addition to Simonian's books and textbooks, and the weekly, monthly, yearly periodicals. Sevan Press and its owner-publisher became landmark institutions for several decades in the Diaspora. Dignitaries visiting Lebanon made a point of meeting him. Unfortunately, almost ten years before his death, his much-beloved printing house became another casualty of the Lebanese Civil War and ceased being the outlet for his prodigious literary output. 

Simonian's literary legacy remains an enduring part of the post-Genocide Western Armenian literature.

Note: The book: "The Last Scion of the Mountaineers", by Levon Sharoyan, translated by Vahe H. Apelian

http://vhapelian.blogspot.com/search?q=Simon+Simonian